Michael Krisch: 'Everyone saw the New Silk Road as the big thing'

Mr. Krisch, you examine German-Chinese municipal partnerships. Why do municipalities enter into such partnerships?

There are certainly many reasons for this. It is noticeable that economic interests, both on the German and Chinese side, are at the forefront. The classic idea of a town partnership in the sense of international friendship, on the other hand, tends to rank second or third. However, this is currently changing: As the goals and ideas have often not been achieved or have been made more difficult by Covid and the war in Ukraine, more politically innocuous topics are now coming to the fore again. Cultural as well as student and youth exchanges, for example.

Which municipalities have you spoken to?

My focus was on municipalities with a population of less than 100,000. As part of my field research, I conducted case studies in a total of eight municipalities in the northern German states. In each case, I asked for interviews with representatives from the local government, businesses and the media. I also spoke to representatives of the state constitutional protection authorities and the municipal umbrella organizations.

What is the state of expertise on China in municipalities?

There is practically no real China expertise among local governments. Exceptions can be found where actors have individual connections to China, such as a spouse of Chinese origin. Moreover, China competence can be found in German-Chinese associations, which often act as the actual sponsors of municipal partnerships. This is mainly because local business representatives who have had or have professional contact with China tend to be represented there.

How do the municipalities perceive the New Silk Road?

Most local business representatives see an opportunity in the project. In contrast, local media representatives primarily see the risks of the project. They particularly refer to the generally negative media coverage: Sub-projects in Africa, the port of Piraeus or COSCO's stake in the port of Hamburg are some examples repeatedly mentioned in this context. However, the head civil servants tend to take a mediating stance.

One of your research questions was to what extent the New Silk Road affects German municipalities. What were your findings?

The connection to the New Silk Road varies greatly from municipality to municipality. The indications of ties are more pronounced in some municipalities than in others. Some municipalities say in press releases or on their website: “We are part of the New Silk Road.” One mayor told me in an interview that for a long time, it was not a problem to advertise with this. Everyone saw the New Silk Road as the big thing because it seemed to be an opportunity to generate new economic impetus, especially for structurally disadvantaged municipalities. At least that was the hope in many places. Today, interest has cooled considerably due to global political developments: From the perspective of the interviewees, contacts with China through municipal partnerships have been complicated, above all by the Covid pandemic and the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine. This also applies to the connections to German municipalities via the New Silk Road.

Does China consider such municipalities to be part of the New Silk Road?

There is no official map or project list that details all projects worldwide. The great advantage of this strategy is that the New Silk Road has a high degree of strategic imprecision. The whole initiative is very amorphous. This allows for much political leeway and, above all, freedom of interpretation regarding what is or is not part of the New Silk Road initiative. It is precisely in this gray area that the Chinese activities in Germany's municipalities, which have a more or less pronounced direct connection to the New Silk Road Initiative, also operate.

What draws these municipalities to the initiative?

In particular, senior civil servants and local media representatives have repeatedly and independently mentioned a number of 800 to 1,000 potential jobs that would be created locally as a result of Chinese investments. This was always associated with hopes of attracting businesses and, not least, creating additional business tax revenue for local governments. To date, only one of the municipalities surveyed has actually created jobs: a mere three.

What recommendations do you draw from your results?

Three things: Firstly, many municipalities would benefit from a single contact point, for example, at the federal level, with adequate China expertise, who can advise municipalities on partnership matters and how to deepen them. Some municipalities also question what the Chinese side actually wants to achieve with the partnership. Secondly, it would appear to be important for municipal stakeholders to be able to network with each other. Thirdly, umbrella organizations of local authorities, both at the state and federal levels, can play an important role in aggregating China-related questions from municipalities.

Social and political scientist Michael Krisch is pursuing his PhD at the University of Vechta in cooperation with the University of Bremen. He hopes his findings will fill the research gaps around Sino-German municipal partnerships. Independently of his research, he works for the city of Osnabrück.