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In the past, cabinet members of commissioners with security-related portfolios did not have to pass a security check. At the national level, this check has been common practice for a long time. In the Von der Leyen Commission II, this check will now take place for the first time.
The national intelligence services are responsible. Applicants for cabinet posts must provide them with complete information about their curriculum vitae for example with the President of the Commission, the Commissioner for Defense or the Commissioner for Home Affairs. In this way, the Commission wants to ensure that no submarines from hostile secret services are hired by the Berlaymont.
When the new Commission takes office on December 1, it will be weeks before all application procedures and – if necessary – security checks have been completed and the cabinets are fully operational. The appointments are still ongoing.
The personal details of two former prominent MEPs in the new Commission were announced on Monday. Former EPP deputy group leader Esther de Lange from the Netherlands will become head of the cabinet of Agriculture Commissioner Christophe Hansen – her former group colleague.
And Philippe Lamberts, co-leader of the Green Party until the election, will be an advisor to Ursula von der Leyen and the Commission for the Transformation of Industry to CO2 neutrality. Von der Leyen chose him because he is not only a politician, but also has experience as a manager in industry (IBM). He is supposed to be the Von der Leyen Commission’s “bridge” to industry, NGOs, politics and administration. It is certainly no coincidence that von der Leyen made this appointment public on the same day that the Green parliamentary group was debating how to vote on the new Commission tomorrow.
Have an exciting day!
The increase in network charges has also alarmed the EU Commission. “In view of the expected burden on consumers, the current financing system, in which end consumers pay the bill via network charges, may need to be reconsidered.” These are the words of the Directorate-General for Energy’s July briefing book for the future Energy Commissioner Dan Jørgensen, which was made available to Table.Briefings on Monday. The Commission does not mention any alternative sources of financing.
However, the announced investment plan for energy should provide for separate funding for distribution grids, as the upcoming Polish Council Presidency is aiming for. However, the Commission is already certain that additional pots will be needed in the upcoming Multiannual Financial Framework (MFF) alongside the Connecting Europe Facility (CEF).
The Commission is considering alternatives to sanctions to make the import of gas and nuclear fuel from Russia more difficult. “The Commission is ready to examine the benefits of a possible import duty or price cap [on natural gas],” says the briefing book from the Directorate-General for Energy. Tariffs on Russian nuclear fuel are also being considered.
“One challenge is to prevent Russian gas from retaining or increasing its market share by increasing supplies via Turkey,” it continues. On the one hand, Russian gas still flows into the EU via TurkStream. However, this may also refer to gas from Azerbaijan, which the country could increasingly purchase from Russia according to media reports. As far as the conversion and enrichment of uranium and spare parts for Russian-designed reactors are concerned, “the Commission is prepared to do more to promote diversification.”
The Polish Council Presidency is also seeking Council conclusions on Russian gas by the time the energy ministers meet in June, an EU diplomat told Table Briefings.
Surprisingly, the Directorate-General has announced more legislative proposals for the area of energy security than for any other subject area.
The European report on the reallocation of electricity bidding zones may not be available until the first quarter of 2025, according to reports in Brussels. After that, however, the Commission wants to act quickly. In the briefing, it writes of the “need to push for a timely reorganization as part of the ongoing review of the bidding zones and strict compliance with the 70 percent requirement” for cross-border electricity trading. The division of Germany into two electricity price zones is still under discussion, as was recently reported.
As Jørgensen already announced in his hearing, the Commission is not aiming to reform the electricity market again for the time being. In the briefing book, however, the Directorate-General holds out the prospect of a white paper for 2025. White papers contain initial ideas that will be consulted on for some time to come.
According to the briefing book, a separate strategy is planned to promote energy efficiency more strongly: “This could include a financing mechanism at the EU level to top up Member States’ national contributions to the binding EU energy efficiency target.” The EU could use this to finance loan guarantees for energy service providers and efficiency auctions.
The auctions are likely to be aimed primarily at industry. The BMWK is already carrying out tenders with the federal funding for energy and resource efficiency in industry so that companies can switch to lower-CO2 systems or process heat from renewable energies. Energy service providers offer to pre-finance such investments with contracting models. In Germany, there used to be state guarantees for SMEs in this market, but these were hardly ever used. The Commission is now aiming for guarantees from the European Investment Bank (EIB) on a larger scale.
In the briefing book, the Directorate-General announces legislative proposals for renewable energy policy after 2030. Jørgensen had already announced a renewables target for 2040 in his hearing. “Whether it will be mandatory or indicative remains to be seen,” was heard from the EPP group in Parliament afterward.
The already familiar electrification strategy is also to help renewables. Due to inflexible demand, there is an increasing number of hours with negative prices and wind and solar parks are finding it more difficult to refinance themselves on the market. “A debate is needed at the EU level on a common approach to make electricity more attractive as an energy source,” the briefing states.
Support from the EIB has been announced for the solar industry to promote European production facilities. In July, the EIB had already issued a counter-guarantee to Deutsche Bank to secure the production of wind turbines.
Last week, people in Lithuania once again took to the streets. In Vilnius, thousands demonstrated in front of parliament due to the appointment of social democrat Gintautas Paluckas as prime minister. The protest was sparked less by Paluckas himself than by his plan to bring the nationalist and populist party Nemuno aušra (Dawn of Nemunas) into the government.
Its leader, Remigijus Žemaitaitis, has been heavily criticized for alleged anti-Semitic comments. In the spring, the Constitutional Court ruled that Žemaitaitis had broken his oath as a member of parliament and violated the constitution with his comments. He subsequently resigned as a member of parliament. He thus escaped impeachment proceedings and an election ban and was able to take part in the parliamentary elections with the newly founded Nemuno aušra. Criminal investigations into his statements are still ongoing.
Many people in Lithuania see the behavior of the Social Democrats as a serious breach of trust. During the election campaign, the Lithuanian Social Democratic Party (LSDP) had ruled out forming a coalition with Nemuno aušra, and its leader Vilija Blinkevičiūtė had promised to take over as head of government if she won. However, after the election, Blinkevičiūtė remained a member of the European Parliament. Paluckas became a candidate for the office of Prime Minister and decided in favor of the coalition, which was also internationally controversial.
Other alliance options were apparently out of the question for the Social Democrats. A grand coalition with the Fatherland Alliance (TS-LKD, part of the EPP), which has led the government so far and lost voter support, would have been possible. Together with the center-left party Democratic Union for Lithuania (DSVL), the three-party alliance now has a majority of 86 of the 141 seats in the Seimas.
The LSDP is hoping that Žemaitaitis and his party colleagues can be contained in such a way that they do not cause any damage. Although the party leader has been in politics for a long time, Nemuno aušra is a young party that was hastily formed for this year’s elections. Its structures are unstable.
Sharp criticism came from politicians from the USA, Israel, Poland and Germany. “It is a disgrace that the Social Democrats in Lithuania are entering into an alliance with an anti-Semitic, homophobic and nationalist party,” wrote SPD politician Michael Roth, Chairman of the Bundestag’s Foreign Affairs Committee, on Platform X.
The social democratic partners in Europe view the actions of the LSDP with concern. “Formal alliances with radical nationalists, especially if they have anti-Semitic overtones, are out of the question for members of the social democratic party family,” Kai-Olaf Lang, an expert on the EU and Eastern Europe at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs, told Table.Briefings.
The situation is particularly delicate in light of the ongoing conflict in the European Parliament. There, the S&D accuses the EPP of making common cause with the far right. That the LSDP is now taking precisely this path after its spectacular election victory is a problem for Europe’s social democrats.
The Lithuanian social democrats are now primarily concerned with leaving no doubt about their reliability in foreign policy. This is also significant in view of the German brigade, which is to be permanently stationed in Lithuania from 2027. On the day of his election as Prime Minister, Paluckas assured that Lithuania’s policy towards Russia and Belarus would not change. In the coalition agreement, cooperation with NATO partners and defense funding are at the top of the three parties’ list of priorities.
Nemuno aušra is also not to be given access to government positions in the area of foreign and security policy. This is significant insofar as Žemaitaitis is feared to be close to Russian and Belarusian positions.
Kęstutis Budrys, previously advisor to President Gitanas Nausėda, is to become foreign minister. The Social Democrat Dovilė Šakalienė is to be appointed Minister of Defense. Both are in favor of supporting Ukraine and taking a firm stance against Russia.
In terms of foreign policy, the new faces could even be good news: “In some ways, foreign and security policy could become a little more effective than before,” says Kai-Olaf Lang. After all, the cooperation between the President and the previous Foreign Minister Gabrielius Landsbergis was not always free of tensions. The fact that Kęstutis Budrys, a man from Nausėda’s immediate circle, is to become foreign minister indicates that the government and head of state are now coordinating more closely.
This could also be seen as a concession to the president. Nausėda, who is popular with the population, has openly criticized the planned coalition and announced that he will not appoint any members of Nemuno aušra as ministers. Prime Minister Paluckas now has until the beginning of December to put together his cabinet.
In the past, cabinet members of commissioners with security-related portfolios did not have to pass a security check. At the national level, this check has been common practice for a long time. In the Von der Leyen Commission II, this check will now take place for the first time.
The national intelligence services are responsible. Applicants for cabinet posts must provide them with complete information about their curriculum vitae for example with the President of the Commission, the Commissioner for Defense or the Commissioner for Home Affairs. In this way, the Commission wants to ensure that no submarines from hostile secret services are hired by the Berlaymont.
When the new Commission takes office on December 1, it will be weeks before all application procedures and – if necessary – security checks have been completed and the cabinets are fully operational. The appointments are still ongoing.
The personal details of two former prominent MEPs in the new Commission were announced on Monday. Former EPP deputy group leader Esther de Lange from the Netherlands will become head of the cabinet of Agriculture Commissioner Christophe Hansen – her former group colleague.
And Philippe Lamberts, co-leader of the Green Party until the election, will be an advisor to Ursula von der Leyen and the Commission for the Transformation of Industry to CO2 neutrality. Von der Leyen chose him because he is not only a politician, but also has experience as a manager in industry (IBM). He is supposed to be the Von der Leyen Commission’s “bridge” to industry, NGOs, politics and administration. It is certainly no coincidence that von der Leyen made this appointment public on the same day that the Green parliamentary group was debating how to vote on the new Commission tomorrow.
Have an exciting day!
The increase in network charges has also alarmed the EU Commission. “In view of the expected burden on consumers, the current financing system, in which end consumers pay the bill via network charges, may need to be reconsidered.” These are the words of the Directorate-General for Energy’s July briefing book for the future Energy Commissioner Dan Jørgensen, which was made available to Table.Briefings on Monday. The Commission does not mention any alternative sources of financing.
However, the announced investment plan for energy should provide for separate funding for distribution grids, as the upcoming Polish Council Presidency is aiming for. However, the Commission is already certain that additional pots will be needed in the upcoming Multiannual Financial Framework (MFF) alongside the Connecting Europe Facility (CEF).
The Commission is considering alternatives to sanctions to make the import of gas and nuclear fuel from Russia more difficult. “The Commission is ready to examine the benefits of a possible import duty or price cap [on natural gas],” says the briefing book from the Directorate-General for Energy. Tariffs on Russian nuclear fuel are also being considered.
“One challenge is to prevent Russian gas from retaining or increasing its market share by increasing supplies via Turkey,” it continues. On the one hand, Russian gas still flows into the EU via TurkStream. However, this may also refer to gas from Azerbaijan, which the country could increasingly purchase from Russia according to media reports. As far as the conversion and enrichment of uranium and spare parts for Russian-designed reactors are concerned, “the Commission is prepared to do more to promote diversification.”
The Polish Council Presidency is also seeking Council conclusions on Russian gas by the time the energy ministers meet in June, an EU diplomat told Table Briefings.
Surprisingly, the Directorate-General has announced more legislative proposals for the area of energy security than for any other subject area.
The European report on the reallocation of electricity bidding zones may not be available until the first quarter of 2025, according to reports in Brussels. After that, however, the Commission wants to act quickly. In the briefing, it writes of the “need to push for a timely reorganization as part of the ongoing review of the bidding zones and strict compliance with the 70 percent requirement” for cross-border electricity trading. The division of Germany into two electricity price zones is still under discussion, as was recently reported.
As Jørgensen already announced in his hearing, the Commission is not aiming to reform the electricity market again for the time being. In the briefing book, however, the Directorate-General holds out the prospect of a white paper for 2025. White papers contain initial ideas that will be consulted on for some time to come.
According to the briefing book, a separate strategy is planned to promote energy efficiency more strongly: “This could include a financing mechanism at the EU level to top up Member States’ national contributions to the binding EU energy efficiency target.” The EU could use this to finance loan guarantees for energy service providers and efficiency auctions.
The auctions are likely to be aimed primarily at industry. The BMWK is already carrying out tenders with the federal funding for energy and resource efficiency in industry so that companies can switch to lower-CO2 systems or process heat from renewable energies. Energy service providers offer to pre-finance such investments with contracting models. In Germany, there used to be state guarantees for SMEs in this market, but these were hardly ever used. The Commission is now aiming for guarantees from the European Investment Bank (EIB) on a larger scale.
In the briefing book, the Directorate-General announces legislative proposals for renewable energy policy after 2030. Jørgensen had already announced a renewables target for 2040 in his hearing. “Whether it will be mandatory or indicative remains to be seen,” was heard from the EPP group in Parliament afterward.
The already familiar electrification strategy is also to help renewables. Due to inflexible demand, there is an increasing number of hours with negative prices and wind and solar parks are finding it more difficult to refinance themselves on the market. “A debate is needed at the EU level on a common approach to make electricity more attractive as an energy source,” the briefing states.
Support from the EIB has been announced for the solar industry to promote European production facilities. In July, the EIB had already issued a counter-guarantee to Deutsche Bank to secure the production of wind turbines.
Last week, people in Lithuania once again took to the streets. In Vilnius, thousands demonstrated in front of parliament due to the appointment of social democrat Gintautas Paluckas as prime minister. The protest was sparked less by Paluckas himself than by his plan to bring the nationalist and populist party Nemuno aušra (Dawn of Nemunas) into the government.
Its leader, Remigijus Žemaitaitis, has been heavily criticized for alleged anti-Semitic comments. In the spring, the Constitutional Court ruled that Žemaitaitis had broken his oath as a member of parliament and violated the constitution with his comments. He subsequently resigned as a member of parliament. He thus escaped impeachment proceedings and an election ban and was able to take part in the parliamentary elections with the newly founded Nemuno aušra. Criminal investigations into his statements are still ongoing.
Many people in Lithuania see the behavior of the Social Democrats as a serious breach of trust. During the election campaign, the Lithuanian Social Democratic Party (LSDP) had ruled out forming a coalition with Nemuno aušra, and its leader Vilija Blinkevičiūtė had promised to take over as head of government if she won. However, after the election, Blinkevičiūtė remained a member of the European Parliament. Paluckas became a candidate for the office of Prime Minister and decided in favor of the coalition, which was also internationally controversial.
Other alliance options were apparently out of the question for the Social Democrats. A grand coalition with the Fatherland Alliance (TS-LKD, part of the EPP), which has led the government so far and lost voter support, would have been possible. Together with the center-left party Democratic Union for Lithuania (DSVL), the three-party alliance now has a majority of 86 of the 141 seats in the Seimas.
The LSDP is hoping that Žemaitaitis and his party colleagues can be contained in such a way that they do not cause any damage. Although the party leader has been in politics for a long time, Nemuno aušra is a young party that was hastily formed for this year’s elections. Its structures are unstable.
Sharp criticism came from politicians from the USA, Israel, Poland and Germany. “It is a disgrace that the Social Democrats in Lithuania are entering into an alliance with an anti-Semitic, homophobic and nationalist party,” wrote SPD politician Michael Roth, Chairman of the Bundestag’s Foreign Affairs Committee, on Platform X.
The social democratic partners in Europe view the actions of the LSDP with concern. “Formal alliances with radical nationalists, especially if they have anti-Semitic overtones, are out of the question for members of the social democratic party family,” Kai-Olaf Lang, an expert on the EU and Eastern Europe at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs, told Table.Briefings.
The situation is particularly delicate in light of the ongoing conflict in the European Parliament. There, the S&D accuses the EPP of making common cause with the far right. That the LSDP is now taking precisely this path after its spectacular election victory is a problem for Europe’s social democrats.
The Lithuanian social democrats are now primarily concerned with leaving no doubt about their reliability in foreign policy. This is also significant in view of the German brigade, which is to be permanently stationed in Lithuania from 2027. On the day of his election as Prime Minister, Paluckas assured that Lithuania’s policy towards Russia and Belarus would not change. In the coalition agreement, cooperation with NATO partners and defense funding are at the top of the three parties’ list of priorities.
Nemuno aušra is also not to be given access to government positions in the area of foreign and security policy. This is significant insofar as Žemaitaitis is feared to be close to Russian and Belarusian positions.
Kęstutis Budrys, previously advisor to President Gitanas Nausėda, is to become foreign minister. The Social Democrat Dovilė Šakalienė is to be appointed Minister of Defense. Both are in favor of supporting Ukraine and taking a firm stance against Russia.
In terms of foreign policy, the new faces could even be good news: “In some ways, foreign and security policy could become a little more effective than before,” says Kai-Olaf Lang. After all, the cooperation between the President and the previous Foreign Minister Gabrielius Landsbergis was not always free of tensions. The fact that Kęstutis Budrys, a man from Nausėda’s immediate circle, is to become foreign minister indicates that the government and head of state are now coordinating more closely.
This could also be seen as a concession to the president. Nausėda, who is popular with the population, has openly criticized the planned coalition and announced that he will not appoint any members of Nemuno aušra as ministers. Prime Minister Paluckas now has until the beginning of December to put together his cabinet.