The Mercosur summit will take place in Montevideo on Thursday and Friday. Until recently, the Commission saw the occasion as an ideal time to conclude negotiations on the trade agreement between the EU and the South American trading bloc. On Monday, however, a Commission spokeswoman said that a trip by the Commission President to Montevideo was “not planned.”
But “not planned” does not mean “canceled.” The chairman of the parliament’s trade committee, Bernd Lange (SPD), joked on Tuesday that Ursula von der Leyen should be on the lookout at Brussels Airport today. This was the only way to know whether the deal would be concluded. Success would depend on the work of the negotiators, but also on the political situation in Europe, said Lange.
The Commission’s Head of Trade Sabine Weyand explained in the Trade Committee that the new Trade Commissioner Maroš Šefčovič had intervened in the negotiations at political level yesterday. The technical negotiators had returned from Brazil at the weekend. Work is therefore in full swing on the Commission side.
Yesterday’s debate in the Trade Committee also highlighted the extent to which the Mercosur issue is polarized along national rather than party-political lines. The French MEPs in particular left no doubt about their rejection of the agreement.
The explosive political situation in Paris is likely to be one of the major uncertainty factors hanging over the agreement. Today, Prime Minister Michel Barnier has to face a vote of no confidence in the French National Assembly. But even on the Latin American side, not all countries are in favor of actually concluding the endless negotiations now.
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The EU regulation for deforestation-free supply chains (EUDR) is to be applied a year later than planned, but its content will not be changed. The negotiators from the EU Parliament and Council agreed on this on Tuesday evening. Rapporteur Christine Schneider (EPP) gave in: Her amendments did not make it into the final text. The trilogue result thus ultimately confirms the Commission’s proposal unchanged. Schneider was only able to negotiate a political declaration by the Commission without legally binding effect.
In it, the Commission promises to streamline reporting obligations as much as possible when implementing the existing law and to reduce the bureaucratic burden. It “expressly undertakes” to make the classification of producer countries into risk categories and the IT system for implementation available at least six months before the rules are applied. Schneider had previously called for this to be made binding in law. In the review of the regulation scheduled for 2028 anyway, the Commission wants to examine measures for products from countries with good forest protection. Schneider, on the other hand, had called for a new category to be created in the law for producer countries “without deforestation risk”, which would be exempt from many rules.
After there had been a broad consensus on postponing the EUDR in both Parliament and the Council, the EPP attempted to amend the content of the law in the subsequent procedure. This was motivated by complaints, particularly from forest owners and agricultural producers from Central Europe, who complained about a massive increase in documentation requirements.
In the EPP, the EUDR was seen as a test case for desired changes to politically more serious EU laws, such as the CO2 fleet legislation. The aim was to examine the extent to which majorities in Parliament and the Council could be created in favor of EPP positions.
With the help of the far-right groups, he managed to achieve a narrow majority in Parliament. However, in the negotiations with the Council, Schneider was forced to concede one substantive demand after another and is now largely empty-handed. Almost all member states had major reservations about the idea of a new zero-risk category in particular. They feared loopholes and breaches of WTO rules.
The Christian Democrats’ approach also caused head-shaking in the Commission. The EPP had wrongly assumed that its amendment requests would be supported in the Council, it said. When the reaction was negative, leading EPP representatives went into a frenzy of activity.
Even in industry, the EPP’s maneuver was not well received in some cases. Many associations and companies are critical of the plan due to the high implementation costs. However, they warned the Christian Democrats against late changes to the content of the law that had already been passed: “This could only backfire if it jeopardized the very tight timetable for the postponement,” said an industry representative.
Within the EPP, too, there was initially disagreement as to whether amendments beyond the postponement should be tabled at all. Several EPP MEPs had initially told Table.Briefings that they were only in favor of the postponement, as substantive amendments would lead to trilogue negotiations and there was a risk that these would not be concluded in time. During the vote in Parliament, however, these MEPs then spoke out in favor of the substantive amendments.
After the setbacks in the trilogue, the EPP considers the only success to be the fact that in the Bundestag election campaign, for example, the traffic light coalition parties can now be accused of not having done anything against additional bureaucracy in the Council. The parliamentary group says that, as a consequence, a more tactical approach will have to be taken to future desired legislative changes.
It is not enough to act only as the EPP and through the European Parliament. Rather, it is important to find allies at member state level at an early stage. It was necessary to consider in advance which member states the EPP could draw into its own camp with deals on other legislative projects, for example.
This is precisely what the Greens are concerned about. The EPP’s cooperation with right-wing groups in Parliament on the EUDR is “just a foretaste of what is to be expected,” predicts Green MEP Jutta Paulus: “Environmental protection and nature conservation will have to be defended against such attacks in the new parliamentary term.”
The Council and Parliament still have to confirm the trilogue agreement. The Permanent Representatives of the member states and the Environment Committee in Parliament are due to vote today, Wednesday. The plenary vote in Parliament is planned for the session from Dec. 16 to 19. It remains to be seen when and in what form the Council will finally approve the project. However, nothing stands in the way of timely adoption before the previously scheduled start of the rules on Dec. 30. Julia Dahm, Markus Grabitz, Till Hoppe, Lukas Knigge
A new start for the European social dialog? At least that is what employers and trade unions in the various member states are hoping in view of the current negotiations on the new European Social Dialogue Pact. It is one of the first projects in the social sector in Ursula von der Leyen’s new term of office. According to the mission letter from Social Affairs Commissioner Roxana Mînzatu, the target date is “early 2025”. This is when the social partners and the Commission are to sign the pact with its declarations of intent.
The EU Commission has been aggressively promoting collective agreements and social partner negotiations for some time now. However, there have recently been significant rumblings between the social partners. The trade unions accused the employers’ side – in particular the employers’ and lobby association Business Europe – of not having seriously conducted the negotiations on the right to disconnect and the teleworking directive. The work program on social dialogue was also terminated early with reference to this. Business Europe was also the only European social partner not to sign the La Hulpe Declaration, which deals with the future of the EU’s social pillar.
Negotiations on the new “European Social Dialogue Pact” have been underway since November and should be completed by the beginning of December. The results of the negotiations will then be sent to the Commission. The European social partners are involved, i.e. Business Europe (private sector), SGI Europe (public employers), and SME United (SMEs) on the employers’ side. On the employee side is the European Trade Union Confederation ETUC, in which the DGB is also organized.
Livia Hentschel, Head of European Trade Union Policy at the DGB and part of the negotiating delegation, is calling for a genuine strengthening of the European social dialog. One thing is particularly important to the trade unionist: “We need a commitment from the employers’ side in the pact that the social dialog will lead to tangible results,” Hentschel told Table.Briefings.
The Confederation of German Employers’ Associations (BDA) also emphasized the importance of the new social dialogue pact to Table.Briefings. BDA Managing Director Steffen Kampeter explains: “The EU must now put its announcements on strengthening social dialog into practice.”
However, the BDA’s agenda is somewhat different from that of the DGB. Managing Director Kampeter emphasizes that the commission should not take the side of one social partner. “In the past, some one-sidedness has turned the social dialog into rather dry bread, as the commission has not treated trade unions and employers impartially.”
Another important concern of the employers’ side is more freedom. “The autonomy of the social partners and social partner agreements must be respected more than has been the case in the past,” says Kampeter. Employers say that they are annoyed that the Commission is restricting the results of the social dialog and the scope for social partner negotiations too much with very strongly defined legal texts.
However, the wishes of the social partners could be closer together on at least one point: greater involvement of the social partners beyond social policy. “Social dialog is important, but the crucial question is also how we are involved in the day-to-day business of the EU,” says DGB Head of Division Hentschel. Her demand is therefore: “To also be involved in cross-cutting issues, such as energy, industry, and corporate policy issues.” Hentschel criticizes that there is currently hardly anyone with a social policy background on the Regulatory Scrutiny Board, for example.
At the same time, the DGB criticizes contradictory signals from the Commission, particularly concerning the better regulation agenda: “On the one hand, social dialogue is to be strengthened, while on the other hand, employees’ rights are glorified as bureaucracy and calls are made for deregulation.”
In the Val Duchesse Declaration, the Commission, the social partners, and the then Belgian Council Presidency committed to the new social dialog pact at the beginning of 2024. According to the declaration, the following points should also play a role in the new pact Capacity building for the social partners, including for those in accession countries, and better funding, for example through ESF+ funds. In addition: how to deal with the results of the European social dialog in the future.
“What are you doing?” Most of the questions that MEPs in the Internal Market and Consumer Committee (IMCO) put to the two TikTok representatives on Tuesday can be summarized in this short formula. For example: What are you doing to prevent the manipulation of elections and to comply with the rules of the Digital Services Act (DSA)?
During the hour-long discussion, considerably more time was spent on the questions than on the answers from Caroline Greer, Director of Public Policy and Government Relations, and Brie Pegum, Global Head of Product Development, Authenticity and Transparency at TikTok. In the end, the parliamentarians were not satisfied.
One reason for the discussion at IMCO was the recent events surrounding the presidential election in Romania, where there were allegations of election manipulation. The country’s Supreme Defense Council declared on Thursday that it had evidence of cyber attacks that had influenced the election on Nov. 24. According to this, “a presidential candidate” had been given preferential treatment by TikTok, the body explained with regard to the extreme right-wing non-party candidate Călin Georgescu. In addition, Romania was a main target for “hostile actions by state and non-state actors,” particularly from Russia.
In the debate, all facets of the passionate debate outside of parliament were discussed. Representatives of the far right said that the Romanian people had spoken, even if some in Europe did not like the election result. They see an encroachment on freedom of expression if the platform is now required to moderate posts on TikTok.
The EPP, S&D, Renew, and Greens, on the other hand, were convinced that the great power of platforms also comes with great responsibility. This includes, for example, not spreading fake news and preventing algorithms from spreading particularly extreme political messages.
In line with the requirements of the Digital Services Act (DSA), TikTok – like other very large online platforms – has just published its risk assessment and the corresponding audit report including the implementation report from KPMG. The auditors also came to the conclusion that TikTok had made progress and fulfilled many requirements, but not to a sufficient extent.
The overall assessment was therefore “negative with restrictions.” This means that significant improvements are required to ensure full compliance with the DSA. In some areas, such as transparency in advertising or the handling of systemic risks (such as election interference or misinformation), TikTok was unable to fully comply with the required standards, the auditors found.
“The mood in the hearing was angry,” said Katarina Barley (S&D) to Table.Briefings after the session. There was great frustration in the room because the TikTok representatives consistently avoided the MEPs’ questions. It was worrying when a large platform like TikTok systematically ignored questions in Parliament. “Even after repeated requests, we as MEPs were not given any answers,” said Barley.
However, some observers felt that the setting was not ideal. The two TikTok representatives each had to answer a large number of collected questions and had little time to do so. Barley saw things differently. The TikTok representatives had not been interrupted once or otherwise restricted in their speech. “They actively avoided answering the MEPs’ questions. A different format would probably not have changed that.”
As the responsible committee, the parliamentarians now want to submit questions in writing and press for answers. Whether TikTok will be more willing to provide information remains to be seen, said Barley. “If the negative attitude towards parliament persists, we will have to consider tougher measures.”
The Commission was also not forthcoming during the Q&A session. Rita Wezenbeek, Director of Policy and Regulation of Digital Platforms at DG CONNECT, said that she could not provide any information about ongoing proceedings. However, the Commission confirmed that Romania’s National Audiovisual Council has requested a formal investigation into TikTok’s role in the elections.
On Nov. 29, the Commission sent an additional request for information to TikTok. In it, it asked the platform to provide more information about its handling of the risks of information manipulation during the election campaign. On the same day, a round table was also held with Romanian authorities, which was also attended by other platforms such as Meta, X, and Google. The Rapid Response System under the Code of Conduct against Disinformation has been activated, Wezenbeek said.
This system was created before the European elections. It allows civil society organizations to quickly alert the platforms if they see signs of suspected coordinated action or suspect that the platforms are not complying with their own guidelines. This system was also used last weekend during the parliamentary elections in Romania, said the EU official. However, she could not yet say whether it had worked properly.
“The Commission’s work on enforcing the DSA has made quite a good impression so far,” said Barley. However, the Commission’s answers at the hearing were not particularly concrete either. “TikTok plays a decisive role in shaping political opinion online,” Barley continued. “Today we got the impression that neither TikTok nor the Commission take this responsibility seriously enough.”
Andreas Schwab (EPP) said in the run-up to the hearing that the implementation of the DSA required more pressure: “We must become faster.” The new European Commission is urgently required to provide more staff and more options. TikTok not only poses political risks for users, as the app specifically promotes political content, which is particularly worrying. Schwab also referred to the health risks – such as addictive design – especially for minors. “Overall, better implementation of the DSA for platforms such as Tiktok should be a key priority of this new legislative period,” demanded Schwab.
IMCO Committee Chair Anna Cavazzini (Greens) said: “Today we have listened to TikTok’s evasive answers, but above all we have publicly called on the European Commission to act to ensure that the DSA is enforced, especially before elections.”
Dec. 4, 2024; 9:30 a.m.-1 p.m., Brussels (Belgium)
FEAD, Conference Circular Economy Priorities
The European Waste Management Association (FEAD) discusses the critical measures within the upcoming Circular Economy Act and examines the competitive dynamics within the waste management sector. INFO & REGISTRATION
Dec. 4, 2024; 10-11 a.m., online
FSR, Panel Debate Nuclear Energy in the EU: Challenges and Opportunities
The Florence School of Regulation (FSR) reviews developments in the nuclear sector and asks what will be next for the EU. INFO & REGISTRATION
Dec. 4, 2024; 2-4 p.m., Brussels (Belgium)/online
ERCST, Presentation Low-Carbon Hydrogen: key elements for a common sense approach
The European Roundtable on Climate Change and Sustainable Transition (ERCST) analyzes and suggests key elements for a more inclusive low-carbon hydrogen regulation. INFO & REGISTRATION
Dec. 4, 2024; 3-4:30 p.m., online
HE, Discussion Elections Aftermath: A Future of Transatlantic Hydrogen Cooperation (?)
Hydrogen Europe (HE) assesses how governmental changes might reshape transnational cooperation on hydrogen. INFO & REGISTRATION
Dec. 5-6, 2024; online
ERA Annual Conference on EU Financial Regulation and Supervision 2024
The Academy of European Law (ERA) provides an update concerning the regulatory framework of EU financial regulation and supervision. INFO & REGISTRATION
Dec. 5, 2024; 4-5:30 p.m., online
HBS, Panel Discussion Soil Atlas 2024
The Heinrich Böll Foundation (HBS) addresses the necessary framework conditions for soil restoration. INFO & REGISTRATION
Now that Ursula von der Leyen has revised the mission letters for the College, the Greens are claiming key changes for themselves. “Above all, we have ensured that the implementation of the rule of law instruments falls under the responsibility of Vice-President Virkkunen and Commissioner McGrath. This removes responsibility for the Cohesion Fund and the ARF from Executive Vice-President Fitto,” reads a paper published by the Greens in the European Parliament on Tuesday. The ARF is the Recovery and Resilience Facility for reconstruction after the Covid pandemic.
The issue of the rule of law is no longer in the hands of the ECR and, with Raffaele Fitto, a politician who is himself struggling with legal disputes in Italy, said the deputy party leader of the German Greens and former MEP Sven Giegold to Table.Briefings.
The Commission stated that the responsibility had not been taken away from anyone – it had not been included in Fitto’s terms of reference in the first version either. However, the Greens had insisted that the uniform interpretation of the various rule of law instruments be ensured and that this be recorded in the mission letters. This has now been done. The conditionalities relate to different pots and therefore also commissioners, from cohesion to the Recovery and Resilience Facility.
Other amendments that the Greens are claiming for themselves are those on social economy in Roxana Mînzatu’s portfolio and on human rights in Kaja Kallas’ portfolio. The Greens do not see Wopke Hoekstra’s amendments on climate adaptation and the phasing out of fossil fuel subsidies as a weakening of climate policy, but rather as a concretization and strengthening of the work assignments. A fixed timetable has now been agreed for the phasing out of subsidies instead of a non-binding framework.
There is now more clarity about the College’s timetable – yesterday the Commission published its agenda until the beginning of March: The Competitiveness Compass is to be presented on Jan. 15, followed by the Clean Industrial Deal on Feb. 26. ber/tho
The European Union should present a climate target for 2055 with negative emissions. This is what climate researchers and emissions trading experts are calling for in a joint position paper led by Carbon Market Watch. It is true that the current EU climate target already includes the plan to be climate-neutral by 2050 and then net-negative. However, this has not yet been backed up with a concrete figure.
The researchers and policy experts want the EU to present this target by 2030 and to enshrine it in European climate law. The aim is to pave the way for negative emissions through CO2 removals in order to offset unavoidable residual emissions in areas that are difficult to decarbonize. CO2 removals are both technological (direct air capture) and natural (biomass) measures to remove carbon from the atmosphere. Individual target paths are also to be defined for the various methods of CO2 removal.
In order to prevent CO2 removals from reducing emission reduction efforts, the next emission reduction target for the EU’s 2040 climate target should no longer be stated in net terms, but in gross terms, the paper continues. The amount of CO2 removals available by then would therefore have no influence on efforts to avoid emissions.
Fabien Ramos, Head of Carbon Removal at DG Clima, explained at the presentation of the paper in Brussels on Tuesday that the Commission will assess the role of CO2 removals for the 2040 climate target by 2026. The different methods would also be taken into account. Ramos also held out the prospect of adapting the EU Climate Law with regard to CO2 removals. However, he did not want to give a date. luk
The Council’s recommendation for outdoor smoking bans was adopted unanimously by the EU health ministers. Only Germany and Greece abstained.
In the text, the Commission calls on the member states to better protect citizens from the dangers of passive smoking and vaping outdoors. The member states are to issue bans on beaches, in amusement parks, and in outdoor areas of hospitals and care homes, for example.
The Commission is to report on the success of the Council recommendation in five years. A non-binding resolution in the European Parliament failed on Thursday. mgr
At the request of the EU, the Council of Europe has lowered the protection status of the wolf. Previously, the predator was “strictly protected” (Appendix Two) under the Bern Convention on the Conservation of Wild Fauna and Flora, in the future it will be “protected” (Appendix Three). In addition to human rights, the Council of Europe is also responsible for compliance with the Bern Convention.
Following the downgrading, the EU Commission can now make a proposal to amend the Habitats Directive. Until now, only the removal of wolves that had become conspicuous was possible. In the future, wolves will be able to be hunted under strict conditions. mgr
MEPs in the Social Affairs Committee (EMPL) have voted in favor of opening negotiations with the Council on the reform of the European Works Council Directive. On Tuesday, 34 MEPs voted in favor, and three abstained. A total of eleven MEPs voted against the start of trilogue negotiations, including all MEPs from the national-conservative ECR and far-right Patriots.
“I am delighted that we are now a big step closer to the negotiations. The Poles are well prepared. I am confident that we will achieve a trilogue result in the spring,” CDU rapporteur Dennis Radtke told Table.Briefings.
Parliamentarians had already agreed on a text in the previous legislative period. Yesterday, it was only a question of the mandate for the start of negotiations. However, the mandate could still be contested in plenary. Observers assume that the Patriot parliamentary group will try to do so. The parliamentary group could not be reached when asked by Table.Briefings on Tuesday.
The Council had already adopted its general approach for a new directive on European Works Councils in the summer. The aim of the reform is, among other things, to close existing gaps in the establishment of European Works Councils and to better involve EWC members in cross-border decisions. In addition, the so-called EWCs are to be given better access to court proceedings in order to be able to assert claims. Employers’ associations emphasize that no reform is necessary and warn against new bureaucratic burdens. lei
The European Commission wants to provide €4.6 billion to promote low-emission technologies. The majority of the money (€3.4 billion) is to go to projects for so-called decarbonization technologies such as the production of battery cells for electric vehicles, the Brussels authority announced on Tuesday.
A further €1.2 billion are to flow into the procurement of renewable hydrogen via the second call for tenders of the European Hydrogen Bank. According to the Commission, the money is to come from the innovation fund, which will be filled with revenue from the EU Emissions Trading System (ETS). mbn

With the Digital Network Act (DNA), the European telecommunications market is to be turned upside down in places where it actually works. Market consolidation and deregulation are on the wish list, as is the issue of data tolls. All proposals that are clearly contrary to the interests of consumers.
The DNA was first announced in October 2023 by Thierry Breton, the EU Commissioner responsible at the time. As the new Executive Vice-President of the European Commission, Henna Virkkunen now has the opportunity to get rid of this legacy. She should focus on a consumer-friendly agenda that takes a targeted look at the special features of the European telecommunications market, strengthens competition and consumer rights, and ensures net neutrality.
The development of the European telecommunications market (TC market) is a success story. The liberalization of the market ensures the diversity of offers as well as lively and sustainable competition for consumers. The system of sector-specific ex-ante regulation is working. In the debate about the DNA, there is now talk of abandoning the existing regulations in favor of a general, ex-post-competition law. And without any reason to change the functioning system. Markets that are not ready for deregulation would thus be jeopardized and necessary regulation made more difficult.
The former European Commission also seemed to be aiming for market consolidation: with a small number of companies operating across Europe that can compete with the competition from China and the USA. Here, too, there is no evidence that European competitiveness can be strengthened in a global context through market consolidation. On the contrary, there is a risk of monopolistic structures in Europe, which have a negative impact on quality and diversity of supply and increase costs for consumers.
The consequences of comprehensive deregulation can be seen in the USA: The choice for consumers is often limited to one or two providers of telecommunications services. This leads to declining service quality and rising prices.
In addition, the DNA could introduce a data toll through the back door. Current considerations envisage that contract negotiations on peering and transit markets between network operators and content and application providers could be clarified through mandatory dispute resolution. If, for example, Deutsche Telekom as a network operator and ARD as a content provider cannot agree on a price, dispute resolution would be one way of setting a price. This would successfully introduce a data toll through the back door.
Numerous independent regulatory authorities see no need to introduce a new instrument here either. This is because there is no market failure in peering and transit markets. Where there are usually loud calls for deregulation, regulation is suddenly at the top of the agenda. It is clear that the debate will be decided politically. The VZBV calls on the new European Commission to end this debate and promote an open Internet for all.
The DNA proposals under discussion would make the market less attractive for consumers. It would do the current debate good to incorporate consumer rights more strongly. After all, without consumers, there would be no great need for digital infrastructure and its services.
The fact that consumer interests must be included in the reform of the telecommunications market is also evident in the area of fiber optic expansion. There is great potential for optimization here. The connection rate for fiber optic connections is low (in Germany). This is partly due to usage behavior and the high prices. Pushy door-to-door sales can act as a deterrent. In Germany, more than half of citizens live in tenancies and often cannot get a fiber optic connection even if they want to. If these aspects were taken into account, expansion would progress more quickly.
If there are to be extensive reforms to European telecommunications law, sector-specific consumer rights must be strengthened. The competitiveness of the telecommunications market will certainly not fail if providers are legally required to provide good service and treat customers well.
Michaela Schröder heads the consumer policy division of the Federation of German Consumer Organizations (VZBV) and is responsible for the consumer policy areas of digital and media, financial market, health, and care as well as food.
There are further additions to the cabinet of Energy and Housing Commissioner Dan Jørgensen: According to his LinkedIn profile, Kamil Talbi has previously worked in DG COMP on antitrust law, in the Secretariat-General on the Green Deal, and was most recently a member of Maroš Šefčovič’s cabinet. Anne-Maud Orlinski comes from the Strategy Unit of DG ENER. Charlotte Nørlund-Matthiessen previously worked in the cabinets of Adina Vălean and Thierry Breton, as Contexte reports.
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The Mercosur summit will take place in Montevideo on Thursday and Friday. Until recently, the Commission saw the occasion as an ideal time to conclude negotiations on the trade agreement between the EU and the South American trading bloc. On Monday, however, a Commission spokeswoman said that a trip by the Commission President to Montevideo was “not planned.”
But “not planned” does not mean “canceled.” The chairman of the parliament’s trade committee, Bernd Lange (SPD), joked on Tuesday that Ursula von der Leyen should be on the lookout at Brussels Airport today. This was the only way to know whether the deal would be concluded. Success would depend on the work of the negotiators, but also on the political situation in Europe, said Lange.
The Commission’s Head of Trade Sabine Weyand explained in the Trade Committee that the new Trade Commissioner Maroš Šefčovič had intervened in the negotiations at political level yesterday. The technical negotiators had returned from Brazil at the weekend. Work is therefore in full swing on the Commission side.
Yesterday’s debate in the Trade Committee also highlighted the extent to which the Mercosur issue is polarized along national rather than party-political lines. The French MEPs in particular left no doubt about their rejection of the agreement.
The explosive political situation in Paris is likely to be one of the major uncertainty factors hanging over the agreement. Today, Prime Minister Michel Barnier has to face a vote of no confidence in the French National Assembly. But even on the Latin American side, not all countries are in favor of actually concluding the endless negotiations now.
We wish you a productive day!
The EU regulation for deforestation-free supply chains (EUDR) is to be applied a year later than planned, but its content will not be changed. The negotiators from the EU Parliament and Council agreed on this on Tuesday evening. Rapporteur Christine Schneider (EPP) gave in: Her amendments did not make it into the final text. The trilogue result thus ultimately confirms the Commission’s proposal unchanged. Schneider was only able to negotiate a political declaration by the Commission without legally binding effect.
In it, the Commission promises to streamline reporting obligations as much as possible when implementing the existing law and to reduce the bureaucratic burden. It “expressly undertakes” to make the classification of producer countries into risk categories and the IT system for implementation available at least six months before the rules are applied. Schneider had previously called for this to be made binding in law. In the review of the regulation scheduled for 2028 anyway, the Commission wants to examine measures for products from countries with good forest protection. Schneider, on the other hand, had called for a new category to be created in the law for producer countries “without deforestation risk”, which would be exempt from many rules.
After there had been a broad consensus on postponing the EUDR in both Parliament and the Council, the EPP attempted to amend the content of the law in the subsequent procedure. This was motivated by complaints, particularly from forest owners and agricultural producers from Central Europe, who complained about a massive increase in documentation requirements.
In the EPP, the EUDR was seen as a test case for desired changes to politically more serious EU laws, such as the CO2 fleet legislation. The aim was to examine the extent to which majorities in Parliament and the Council could be created in favor of EPP positions.
With the help of the far-right groups, he managed to achieve a narrow majority in Parliament. However, in the negotiations with the Council, Schneider was forced to concede one substantive demand after another and is now largely empty-handed. Almost all member states had major reservations about the idea of a new zero-risk category in particular. They feared loopholes and breaches of WTO rules.
The Christian Democrats’ approach also caused head-shaking in the Commission. The EPP had wrongly assumed that its amendment requests would be supported in the Council, it said. When the reaction was negative, leading EPP representatives went into a frenzy of activity.
Even in industry, the EPP’s maneuver was not well received in some cases. Many associations and companies are critical of the plan due to the high implementation costs. However, they warned the Christian Democrats against late changes to the content of the law that had already been passed: “This could only backfire if it jeopardized the very tight timetable for the postponement,” said an industry representative.
Within the EPP, too, there was initially disagreement as to whether amendments beyond the postponement should be tabled at all. Several EPP MEPs had initially told Table.Briefings that they were only in favor of the postponement, as substantive amendments would lead to trilogue negotiations and there was a risk that these would not be concluded in time. During the vote in Parliament, however, these MEPs then spoke out in favor of the substantive amendments.
After the setbacks in the trilogue, the EPP considers the only success to be the fact that in the Bundestag election campaign, for example, the traffic light coalition parties can now be accused of not having done anything against additional bureaucracy in the Council. The parliamentary group says that, as a consequence, a more tactical approach will have to be taken to future desired legislative changes.
It is not enough to act only as the EPP and through the European Parliament. Rather, it is important to find allies at member state level at an early stage. It was necessary to consider in advance which member states the EPP could draw into its own camp with deals on other legislative projects, for example.
This is precisely what the Greens are concerned about. The EPP’s cooperation with right-wing groups in Parliament on the EUDR is “just a foretaste of what is to be expected,” predicts Green MEP Jutta Paulus: “Environmental protection and nature conservation will have to be defended against such attacks in the new parliamentary term.”
The Council and Parliament still have to confirm the trilogue agreement. The Permanent Representatives of the member states and the Environment Committee in Parliament are due to vote today, Wednesday. The plenary vote in Parliament is planned for the session from Dec. 16 to 19. It remains to be seen when and in what form the Council will finally approve the project. However, nothing stands in the way of timely adoption before the previously scheduled start of the rules on Dec. 30. Julia Dahm, Markus Grabitz, Till Hoppe, Lukas Knigge
A new start for the European social dialog? At least that is what employers and trade unions in the various member states are hoping in view of the current negotiations on the new European Social Dialogue Pact. It is one of the first projects in the social sector in Ursula von der Leyen’s new term of office. According to the mission letter from Social Affairs Commissioner Roxana Mînzatu, the target date is “early 2025”. This is when the social partners and the Commission are to sign the pact with its declarations of intent.
The EU Commission has been aggressively promoting collective agreements and social partner negotiations for some time now. However, there have recently been significant rumblings between the social partners. The trade unions accused the employers’ side – in particular the employers’ and lobby association Business Europe – of not having seriously conducted the negotiations on the right to disconnect and the teleworking directive. The work program on social dialogue was also terminated early with reference to this. Business Europe was also the only European social partner not to sign the La Hulpe Declaration, which deals with the future of the EU’s social pillar.
Negotiations on the new “European Social Dialogue Pact” have been underway since November and should be completed by the beginning of December. The results of the negotiations will then be sent to the Commission. The European social partners are involved, i.e. Business Europe (private sector), SGI Europe (public employers), and SME United (SMEs) on the employers’ side. On the employee side is the European Trade Union Confederation ETUC, in which the DGB is also organized.
Livia Hentschel, Head of European Trade Union Policy at the DGB and part of the negotiating delegation, is calling for a genuine strengthening of the European social dialog. One thing is particularly important to the trade unionist: “We need a commitment from the employers’ side in the pact that the social dialog will lead to tangible results,” Hentschel told Table.Briefings.
The Confederation of German Employers’ Associations (BDA) also emphasized the importance of the new social dialogue pact to Table.Briefings. BDA Managing Director Steffen Kampeter explains: “The EU must now put its announcements on strengthening social dialog into practice.”
However, the BDA’s agenda is somewhat different from that of the DGB. Managing Director Kampeter emphasizes that the commission should not take the side of one social partner. “In the past, some one-sidedness has turned the social dialog into rather dry bread, as the commission has not treated trade unions and employers impartially.”
Another important concern of the employers’ side is more freedom. “The autonomy of the social partners and social partner agreements must be respected more than has been the case in the past,” says Kampeter. Employers say that they are annoyed that the Commission is restricting the results of the social dialog and the scope for social partner negotiations too much with very strongly defined legal texts.
However, the wishes of the social partners could be closer together on at least one point: greater involvement of the social partners beyond social policy. “Social dialog is important, but the crucial question is also how we are involved in the day-to-day business of the EU,” says DGB Head of Division Hentschel. Her demand is therefore: “To also be involved in cross-cutting issues, such as energy, industry, and corporate policy issues.” Hentschel criticizes that there is currently hardly anyone with a social policy background on the Regulatory Scrutiny Board, for example.
At the same time, the DGB criticizes contradictory signals from the Commission, particularly concerning the better regulation agenda: “On the one hand, social dialogue is to be strengthened, while on the other hand, employees’ rights are glorified as bureaucracy and calls are made for deregulation.”
In the Val Duchesse Declaration, the Commission, the social partners, and the then Belgian Council Presidency committed to the new social dialog pact at the beginning of 2024. According to the declaration, the following points should also play a role in the new pact Capacity building for the social partners, including for those in accession countries, and better funding, for example through ESF+ funds. In addition: how to deal with the results of the European social dialog in the future.
“What are you doing?” Most of the questions that MEPs in the Internal Market and Consumer Committee (IMCO) put to the two TikTok representatives on Tuesday can be summarized in this short formula. For example: What are you doing to prevent the manipulation of elections and to comply with the rules of the Digital Services Act (DSA)?
During the hour-long discussion, considerably more time was spent on the questions than on the answers from Caroline Greer, Director of Public Policy and Government Relations, and Brie Pegum, Global Head of Product Development, Authenticity and Transparency at TikTok. In the end, the parliamentarians were not satisfied.
One reason for the discussion at IMCO was the recent events surrounding the presidential election in Romania, where there were allegations of election manipulation. The country’s Supreme Defense Council declared on Thursday that it had evidence of cyber attacks that had influenced the election on Nov. 24. According to this, “a presidential candidate” had been given preferential treatment by TikTok, the body explained with regard to the extreme right-wing non-party candidate Călin Georgescu. In addition, Romania was a main target for “hostile actions by state and non-state actors,” particularly from Russia.
In the debate, all facets of the passionate debate outside of parliament were discussed. Representatives of the far right said that the Romanian people had spoken, even if some in Europe did not like the election result. They see an encroachment on freedom of expression if the platform is now required to moderate posts on TikTok.
The EPP, S&D, Renew, and Greens, on the other hand, were convinced that the great power of platforms also comes with great responsibility. This includes, for example, not spreading fake news and preventing algorithms from spreading particularly extreme political messages.
In line with the requirements of the Digital Services Act (DSA), TikTok – like other very large online platforms – has just published its risk assessment and the corresponding audit report including the implementation report from KPMG. The auditors also came to the conclusion that TikTok had made progress and fulfilled many requirements, but not to a sufficient extent.
The overall assessment was therefore “negative with restrictions.” This means that significant improvements are required to ensure full compliance with the DSA. In some areas, such as transparency in advertising or the handling of systemic risks (such as election interference or misinformation), TikTok was unable to fully comply with the required standards, the auditors found.
“The mood in the hearing was angry,” said Katarina Barley (S&D) to Table.Briefings after the session. There was great frustration in the room because the TikTok representatives consistently avoided the MEPs’ questions. It was worrying when a large platform like TikTok systematically ignored questions in Parliament. “Even after repeated requests, we as MEPs were not given any answers,” said Barley.
However, some observers felt that the setting was not ideal. The two TikTok representatives each had to answer a large number of collected questions and had little time to do so. Barley saw things differently. The TikTok representatives had not been interrupted once or otherwise restricted in their speech. “They actively avoided answering the MEPs’ questions. A different format would probably not have changed that.”
As the responsible committee, the parliamentarians now want to submit questions in writing and press for answers. Whether TikTok will be more willing to provide information remains to be seen, said Barley. “If the negative attitude towards parliament persists, we will have to consider tougher measures.”
The Commission was also not forthcoming during the Q&A session. Rita Wezenbeek, Director of Policy and Regulation of Digital Platforms at DG CONNECT, said that she could not provide any information about ongoing proceedings. However, the Commission confirmed that Romania’s National Audiovisual Council has requested a formal investigation into TikTok’s role in the elections.
On Nov. 29, the Commission sent an additional request for information to TikTok. In it, it asked the platform to provide more information about its handling of the risks of information manipulation during the election campaign. On the same day, a round table was also held with Romanian authorities, which was also attended by other platforms such as Meta, X, and Google. The Rapid Response System under the Code of Conduct against Disinformation has been activated, Wezenbeek said.
This system was created before the European elections. It allows civil society organizations to quickly alert the platforms if they see signs of suspected coordinated action or suspect that the platforms are not complying with their own guidelines. This system was also used last weekend during the parliamentary elections in Romania, said the EU official. However, she could not yet say whether it had worked properly.
“The Commission’s work on enforcing the DSA has made quite a good impression so far,” said Barley. However, the Commission’s answers at the hearing were not particularly concrete either. “TikTok plays a decisive role in shaping political opinion online,” Barley continued. “Today we got the impression that neither TikTok nor the Commission take this responsibility seriously enough.”
Andreas Schwab (EPP) said in the run-up to the hearing that the implementation of the DSA required more pressure: “We must become faster.” The new European Commission is urgently required to provide more staff and more options. TikTok not only poses political risks for users, as the app specifically promotes political content, which is particularly worrying. Schwab also referred to the health risks – such as addictive design – especially for minors. “Overall, better implementation of the DSA for platforms such as Tiktok should be a key priority of this new legislative period,” demanded Schwab.
IMCO Committee Chair Anna Cavazzini (Greens) said: “Today we have listened to TikTok’s evasive answers, but above all we have publicly called on the European Commission to act to ensure that the DSA is enforced, especially before elections.”
Dec. 4, 2024; 9:30 a.m.-1 p.m., Brussels (Belgium)
FEAD, Conference Circular Economy Priorities
The European Waste Management Association (FEAD) discusses the critical measures within the upcoming Circular Economy Act and examines the competitive dynamics within the waste management sector. INFO & REGISTRATION
Dec. 4, 2024; 10-11 a.m., online
FSR, Panel Debate Nuclear Energy in the EU: Challenges and Opportunities
The Florence School of Regulation (FSR) reviews developments in the nuclear sector and asks what will be next for the EU. INFO & REGISTRATION
Dec. 4, 2024; 2-4 p.m., Brussels (Belgium)/online
ERCST, Presentation Low-Carbon Hydrogen: key elements for a common sense approach
The European Roundtable on Climate Change and Sustainable Transition (ERCST) analyzes and suggests key elements for a more inclusive low-carbon hydrogen regulation. INFO & REGISTRATION
Dec. 4, 2024; 3-4:30 p.m., online
HE, Discussion Elections Aftermath: A Future of Transatlantic Hydrogen Cooperation (?)
Hydrogen Europe (HE) assesses how governmental changes might reshape transnational cooperation on hydrogen. INFO & REGISTRATION
Dec. 5-6, 2024; online
ERA Annual Conference on EU Financial Regulation and Supervision 2024
The Academy of European Law (ERA) provides an update concerning the regulatory framework of EU financial regulation and supervision. INFO & REGISTRATION
Dec. 5, 2024; 4-5:30 p.m., online
HBS, Panel Discussion Soil Atlas 2024
The Heinrich Böll Foundation (HBS) addresses the necessary framework conditions for soil restoration. INFO & REGISTRATION
Now that Ursula von der Leyen has revised the mission letters for the College, the Greens are claiming key changes for themselves. “Above all, we have ensured that the implementation of the rule of law instruments falls under the responsibility of Vice-President Virkkunen and Commissioner McGrath. This removes responsibility for the Cohesion Fund and the ARF from Executive Vice-President Fitto,” reads a paper published by the Greens in the European Parliament on Tuesday. The ARF is the Recovery and Resilience Facility for reconstruction after the Covid pandemic.
The issue of the rule of law is no longer in the hands of the ECR and, with Raffaele Fitto, a politician who is himself struggling with legal disputes in Italy, said the deputy party leader of the German Greens and former MEP Sven Giegold to Table.Briefings.
The Commission stated that the responsibility had not been taken away from anyone – it had not been included in Fitto’s terms of reference in the first version either. However, the Greens had insisted that the uniform interpretation of the various rule of law instruments be ensured and that this be recorded in the mission letters. This has now been done. The conditionalities relate to different pots and therefore also commissioners, from cohesion to the Recovery and Resilience Facility.
Other amendments that the Greens are claiming for themselves are those on social economy in Roxana Mînzatu’s portfolio and on human rights in Kaja Kallas’ portfolio. The Greens do not see Wopke Hoekstra’s amendments on climate adaptation and the phasing out of fossil fuel subsidies as a weakening of climate policy, but rather as a concretization and strengthening of the work assignments. A fixed timetable has now been agreed for the phasing out of subsidies instead of a non-binding framework.
There is now more clarity about the College’s timetable – yesterday the Commission published its agenda until the beginning of March: The Competitiveness Compass is to be presented on Jan. 15, followed by the Clean Industrial Deal on Feb. 26. ber/tho
The European Union should present a climate target for 2055 with negative emissions. This is what climate researchers and emissions trading experts are calling for in a joint position paper led by Carbon Market Watch. It is true that the current EU climate target already includes the plan to be climate-neutral by 2050 and then net-negative. However, this has not yet been backed up with a concrete figure.
The researchers and policy experts want the EU to present this target by 2030 and to enshrine it in European climate law. The aim is to pave the way for negative emissions through CO2 removals in order to offset unavoidable residual emissions in areas that are difficult to decarbonize. CO2 removals are both technological (direct air capture) and natural (biomass) measures to remove carbon from the atmosphere. Individual target paths are also to be defined for the various methods of CO2 removal.
In order to prevent CO2 removals from reducing emission reduction efforts, the next emission reduction target for the EU’s 2040 climate target should no longer be stated in net terms, but in gross terms, the paper continues. The amount of CO2 removals available by then would therefore have no influence on efforts to avoid emissions.
Fabien Ramos, Head of Carbon Removal at DG Clima, explained at the presentation of the paper in Brussels on Tuesday that the Commission will assess the role of CO2 removals for the 2040 climate target by 2026. The different methods would also be taken into account. Ramos also held out the prospect of adapting the EU Climate Law with regard to CO2 removals. However, he did not want to give a date. luk
The Council’s recommendation for outdoor smoking bans was adopted unanimously by the EU health ministers. Only Germany and Greece abstained.
In the text, the Commission calls on the member states to better protect citizens from the dangers of passive smoking and vaping outdoors. The member states are to issue bans on beaches, in amusement parks, and in outdoor areas of hospitals and care homes, for example.
The Commission is to report on the success of the Council recommendation in five years. A non-binding resolution in the European Parliament failed on Thursday. mgr
At the request of the EU, the Council of Europe has lowered the protection status of the wolf. Previously, the predator was “strictly protected” (Appendix Two) under the Bern Convention on the Conservation of Wild Fauna and Flora, in the future it will be “protected” (Appendix Three). In addition to human rights, the Council of Europe is also responsible for compliance with the Bern Convention.
Following the downgrading, the EU Commission can now make a proposal to amend the Habitats Directive. Until now, only the removal of wolves that had become conspicuous was possible. In the future, wolves will be able to be hunted under strict conditions. mgr
MEPs in the Social Affairs Committee (EMPL) have voted in favor of opening negotiations with the Council on the reform of the European Works Council Directive. On Tuesday, 34 MEPs voted in favor, and three abstained. A total of eleven MEPs voted against the start of trilogue negotiations, including all MEPs from the national-conservative ECR and far-right Patriots.
“I am delighted that we are now a big step closer to the negotiations. The Poles are well prepared. I am confident that we will achieve a trilogue result in the spring,” CDU rapporteur Dennis Radtke told Table.Briefings.
Parliamentarians had already agreed on a text in the previous legislative period. Yesterday, it was only a question of the mandate for the start of negotiations. However, the mandate could still be contested in plenary. Observers assume that the Patriot parliamentary group will try to do so. The parliamentary group could not be reached when asked by Table.Briefings on Tuesday.
The Council had already adopted its general approach for a new directive on European Works Councils in the summer. The aim of the reform is, among other things, to close existing gaps in the establishment of European Works Councils and to better involve EWC members in cross-border decisions. In addition, the so-called EWCs are to be given better access to court proceedings in order to be able to assert claims. Employers’ associations emphasize that no reform is necessary and warn against new bureaucratic burdens. lei
The European Commission wants to provide €4.6 billion to promote low-emission technologies. The majority of the money (€3.4 billion) is to go to projects for so-called decarbonization technologies such as the production of battery cells for electric vehicles, the Brussels authority announced on Tuesday.
A further €1.2 billion are to flow into the procurement of renewable hydrogen via the second call for tenders of the European Hydrogen Bank. According to the Commission, the money is to come from the innovation fund, which will be filled with revenue from the EU Emissions Trading System (ETS). mbn

With the Digital Network Act (DNA), the European telecommunications market is to be turned upside down in places where it actually works. Market consolidation and deregulation are on the wish list, as is the issue of data tolls. All proposals that are clearly contrary to the interests of consumers.
The DNA was first announced in October 2023 by Thierry Breton, the EU Commissioner responsible at the time. As the new Executive Vice-President of the European Commission, Henna Virkkunen now has the opportunity to get rid of this legacy. She should focus on a consumer-friendly agenda that takes a targeted look at the special features of the European telecommunications market, strengthens competition and consumer rights, and ensures net neutrality.
The development of the European telecommunications market (TC market) is a success story. The liberalization of the market ensures the diversity of offers as well as lively and sustainable competition for consumers. The system of sector-specific ex-ante regulation is working. In the debate about the DNA, there is now talk of abandoning the existing regulations in favor of a general, ex-post-competition law. And without any reason to change the functioning system. Markets that are not ready for deregulation would thus be jeopardized and necessary regulation made more difficult.
The former European Commission also seemed to be aiming for market consolidation: with a small number of companies operating across Europe that can compete with the competition from China and the USA. Here, too, there is no evidence that European competitiveness can be strengthened in a global context through market consolidation. On the contrary, there is a risk of monopolistic structures in Europe, which have a negative impact on quality and diversity of supply and increase costs for consumers.
The consequences of comprehensive deregulation can be seen in the USA: The choice for consumers is often limited to one or two providers of telecommunications services. This leads to declining service quality and rising prices.
In addition, the DNA could introduce a data toll through the back door. Current considerations envisage that contract negotiations on peering and transit markets between network operators and content and application providers could be clarified through mandatory dispute resolution. If, for example, Deutsche Telekom as a network operator and ARD as a content provider cannot agree on a price, dispute resolution would be one way of setting a price. This would successfully introduce a data toll through the back door.
Numerous independent regulatory authorities see no need to introduce a new instrument here either. This is because there is no market failure in peering and transit markets. Where there are usually loud calls for deregulation, regulation is suddenly at the top of the agenda. It is clear that the debate will be decided politically. The VZBV calls on the new European Commission to end this debate and promote an open Internet for all.
The DNA proposals under discussion would make the market less attractive for consumers. It would do the current debate good to incorporate consumer rights more strongly. After all, without consumers, there would be no great need for digital infrastructure and its services.
The fact that consumer interests must be included in the reform of the telecommunications market is also evident in the area of fiber optic expansion. There is great potential for optimization here. The connection rate for fiber optic connections is low (in Germany). This is partly due to usage behavior and the high prices. Pushy door-to-door sales can act as a deterrent. In Germany, more than half of citizens live in tenancies and often cannot get a fiber optic connection even if they want to. If these aspects were taken into account, expansion would progress more quickly.
If there are to be extensive reforms to European telecommunications law, sector-specific consumer rights must be strengthened. The competitiveness of the telecommunications market will certainly not fail if providers are legally required to provide good service and treat customers well.
Michaela Schröder heads the consumer policy division of the Federation of German Consumer Organizations (VZBV) and is responsible for the consumer policy areas of digital and media, financial market, health, and care as well as food.
There are further additions to the cabinet of Energy and Housing Commissioner Dan Jørgensen: According to his LinkedIn profile, Kamil Talbi has previously worked in DG COMP on antitrust law, in the Secretariat-General on the Green Deal, and was most recently a member of Maroš Šefčovič’s cabinet. Anne-Maud Orlinski comes from the Strategy Unit of DG ENER. Charlotte Nørlund-Matthiessen previously worked in the cabinets of Adina Vălean and Thierry Breton, as Contexte reports.
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