Your contact for new licenses
Ursula von der Leyen set off on her trip to the Western Balkans yesterday. The Commission President will be meeting with the heads of state and government of the six countries until Saturday. A meeting with a rather difficult partner is scheduled for tomorrow: Serbia’s President Aleksandar Vučić only made headlines at the beginning of the week because he thanked Russia’s ruler Vladimir Putin in a phone call for continuing to supply Serbia with cheap Russian gas. He rejects sanctions against Moscow.
Von der Leyen found harmonious-sounding words at the start of her trip to Tirana: “I am delighted to start my tour of the Western Balkans in Albania with my friend Edi Rama“, she wrote on X about the Albanian Prime Minister. Albania is making great progress on the road to the EU.
Rama has set the goal of Albania being ready to join the EU by 2030. So far, the countries of the Western Balkans have had to be patient, as the EU had already promised them accession in 2003. The frustration in the region is sometimes great, especially as the countries had to watch as Ukraine and Moldova became accession candidates in record time in response to the Russian war of aggression.
But now von der Leyen has brought some good news: yesterday, Wednesday, the Commission announced that it had approved the reform agendas of Albania, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia and Serbia. In doing so, the states are committing themselves to reforms, particularly in the area of the rule of law, but also to digital and ecological change, for example. This step is a prerequisite for payments from the €6 billion Reform and Growth Facility, which von der Leyen promised during her trip to the Western Balkans last year. Bosnia and Herzegovina has not yet presented its reform agenda.
Get the day off to a good start!
The answers of the 26 Commissioners to the committees’ questions are available and have been published. The Commission’s Directorates-General were heavily involved. Finally, the texts were also submitted to the President’s Cabinet. In this respect, it can be assumed that they come close to the political intentions of Commission President Ursula von der Leyen.
The future Competition Commissioner Teresa Ribera is committed to simplifying the approval of state aid – particularly for renewable energies, the decarbonization of industry, and production capacities for clean-tech technologies. Christian Ehler, a CDU member of parliament from Brandenburg, considers this to be window-dressing: “Either the state aid framework will be relaxed in this legislature, which I don’t really believe will happen. Or the Competition Commissioner will have to admit that no acceleration can be achieved with a handful of responsible officials.” In the oral hearing on Nov. 12, MEPs therefore want to ask Ribera about her concrete plans to simplify state aid approvals.
Ehler also warns the Commission against intervening too heavily in the next Multiannual Financial Framework: “The Commission is trying to gear the entire EU budget towards an innovation and reform agenda and use it to control the competitiveness of only individual technologies. There will be no backing for this in Parliament.”
In the paper, Ribera presents herself as a supporter of reducing bureaucracy: “Avoiding unnecessary administrative burdens, complying with the principle of single reporting and avoiding duplicate reporting obligations will be important points to monitor.” There will be a comprehensive discussion on strategies for the future of the automotive industry.
Energy Commissioner Dan Jørgensen wants to respond to the wishes of many member states and draw up a roadmap for the end of Russian energy imports – in parallel with the review of the legal framework for energy security. He also wants to examine with member states and the nuclear industry whether the entire supply chain for nuclear reactors can also be included.
The Action Plan for Affordable Energy as part of the Clean Industrial Deal is likely to become a heading for the entire energy policy of the next legislature, such is the breadth of the announced and still vague range of measures. Among other things, it is to include revised financial market rules for the energy sector.
Climate Commissioner Wopke Hoekstra announces that he will do more to promote market-based measures in climate action. The Dutchman once again emphasizes the advantages of the ETS as a cost-effective instrument that also generates revenue to support low-income groups. However, CO2 pricing must also be supported by sectoral measures – for example in the areas of energy, transport, and agriculture.
Public money should be concentrated on investments that would otherwise not be financed by banks – for example “some investments in infrastructure”. As far as the phasing out of subsidies for fossil fuels is concerned, Hoekstra refers to the responsibility of the member states. However, he wants to create more transparency in order to exert pressure – for example through the upcoming reform of the Governance Regulation.
New cars should be climate-neutral by 2035. In his response, Hoekstra quotes von der Leyen’s guidelines: “In order to achieve this goal, a technology-neutral approach is required in which e-fuels can play a role through a targeted amendment to the regulation as part of the planned review.” He is therefore working on a “targeted amendment as part of the review planned for 2026” of the CO2 fleet limits. There is no mention of bringing forward the review.
Tzitzikostas wants to develop an “industrial action plan for the automotive sector”. It must be ensured that the “EU remains a global leader and retains a strong European production base”. Measures are required along the entire value chain: from critical raw materials to charging infrastructure. In addition, the EU must be able to rely on the infrastructure, “both for refueling and charging”. Automation and data must also be fully utilized.
The objectives of the measures: “We need to strengthen our industry and its employees, reduce our dependencies and vulnerabilities and get the sector on track to achieve the goals of dual sustainability and digital transformation.”
In the first 100 days of her mandate, the Digital Commissioner plans to primarily implement measures aimed at advancing Europe’s technological sovereignty. One of the central projects is the introduction of the AI Factories Initiative, which aims to create at least five AI factories in Europe. These are intended to offer European start-ups and companies access to high-performance computers to develop large-scale AI models. With the EU Cloud and AI Development Act, it wants to stimulate innovation in these areas, boost investment and reduce bureaucratic hurdles. It also intends to launch a consultation on the Apply AI Strategy to promote the use of AI in various sectors.
Another important step is the adoption of an action plan on cyber security in the healthcare sector to increase the resilience of hospitals and other healthcare providers to cyberattacks. Virkkunen has also announced specific legislative initiatives, such as the Digital Networks Act prepared by her predecessor Thierry Breton, which is intended to accelerate the expansion of high-speed networks. She describes the European Cybersecurity Certification Scheme for Cloud Services (EUCS) as a key element in securing European cloud services.
Research Commissioner Ekaterina Zakharieva wants to promote gender equality. She wants to promote women in management positions and also appoint equal representation to her own team, the Bulgarian replied to a relevant question from a parliamentarian. She emphasized the importance of research, start-ups and innovation for the EU’s competitiveness. Zakharieva is planning a new law on the European Research Area (ERA) to increase the mobility of innovators and researchers.
She also wants to ensure that the EU target of spending three percent of gross domestic product on research and innovation is achieved and put the funding gap at €120 billion. The European Research Council (ERC) and the European Innovation Council (EIC) are to be expanded in order to focus more on strategic priorities such as basic research, disruptive innovations, and scientific excellence.
A “Trusted Investor Network” is to mobilize private investment. Sachariewa announced a cross-commission start-up task force and plans to organize a “European Start-up and scale-up forum” in the first half of 2025. A dedicated AI research council is to emphasize the importance of the topic for the European Union. In the field of higher education, Sachariewa is aiming for “joint European degrees” in specific areas. Universities should also work more closely with the private and public sectors.
In his answers, the proposed Agriculture and Food Commissioner Christophe Hansen sticks closely to what von der Leyen has already announced: a vision paper for the sector in the first 100 days of his term of office, inspired by the recommendations of the Strategic Dialogue. Reducing bureaucracy and “targeted” agricultural subsidies, as well as more incentives from private capital for environmental and climate action.
The Luxembourger remains particularly cautious when it comes to food issues: This is where national and regional decision-makers are needed. When it comes to climate action, he admits that the sector must reduce emissions. However, instead of reducing livestock numbers, for example, he wants to focus on a better measurement system for agricultural emissions and technological solutions such as precision farming.
The nominated Environment Commissioner Jessika Roswall also focuses on the use of private capital and refers to the idea of “Nature Credits“, which von der Leyen recently brought into play. She promises the long-delayed reform of the REACH chemicals regulation by 2025 and also intends to present a strategy on water resilience, as announced in her letter of appointment. When it comes to biodiversity, the main focus is on implementing existing laws such as the Nature Restoration Law (NRL).
The Commissioner-designate for Employment and Education, Roxana Mînzatu, says she is “delighted” with the new title for her office, which now focuses on people. Her new title is literally: “Commissioner for People, Skills and Provision”. In terms of content, she is not very specific: some initiatives that were actually considered almost certain projects for the new legislature are now back in the unknown, such as a directive on algorithmic management. It merely states that the intention is to “continue to gather evidence” for a new initiative. Mînzatu is also keeping a low profile when it comes to strengthening the ELA, the European Labor Authority. On the other hand, she is focusing a little more on the new action plan for the social pillar. She wants to travel to every member state to ensure strong implementation. With Markus Grabitz, Corinna Visser, Julia Dahm, Tim Gabel
The mood is bad between EPP Group leader Manfred Weber and the leaders of the S&D, Renew, and Greens. Iratxe García Pérez (S&D), Válerie Hayer (Renew), and Terry Reintke (Greens) resent Weber for repeatedly pushing through decisions against their will with the help of votes from the right and far right. Examples include the European Parliament’s resolution on Venezuela, the timetable for the Commissioners’ hearings and the competences of the committees.
In both cases, the majorities for the decision came about because the EPP voted together with the ECR and the far-right “Patriots for Europe” (PfE) and “Sovereignists” (ESN). There was also a dispute in the vote on the 2025 budget yesterday, Wednesday, because the EPP had agreed to an amendment by the ESN group on deportation centers. The S&D, Renew and Greens, who voted for a second term of office for Ursula von der Leyen in July, are furious.
When the heads of the political groups meet in Strasbourg this Thursday at 11 a.m. for the Conference of Presidents (COP), there could be the next conflict: A vote will be held to decide who will receive the €50,000 Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought. The prize is awarded by Parliament. The following have made it to the last round of finalists:
The right-wing radicals of PfE and ESN had nominated the US entrepreneur Elon Musk, but he did not make it to the final and is therefore no longer on the ballot. It is possible that they will now vote with the EPP and EKR for the Venezuelan opposition. This is because it can be assumed that they have an interest in driving another wedge into the “Von der Leyen coalition” and fueling the debate about alleged collusion between Weber and Jordan Bardella (Rassemblement National), leader of the “Patriots” group.
Manfred Weber is not in Strasbourg this week due to illness and will be represented by Jeroen Lenaers. However, EPP leader Weber rejects the accusations of the S&D and Co.: there was no collusion. The EPP could not help it if the right-wing extremists voted with them. The EPP would still not vote with forces to the right of the ECR. The EPP also rejects an agreement with members of the Polish PiS, who represent a wing of the ECR.
There is a power-political background to the dispute: With the European elections in June, the majority ratios in Parliament have changed. In the last election period, the political groups to the left of the EPP together had 343 out of 703 seats, compared to 297 seats for the EPP and the right-wing groups. The votes of the parties to the left of the EPP were therefore sufficient to pass resolutions against the Christian Democrats. They made good use of this opportunity – much to the frustration of the EPP, which repeatedly failed to get its way.
The situation is different now: To the left of the EPP, the parliamentary groups have 316 out of 720 seats. The EPP, ECR and the two far-right groups have 375 seats. This means that since the European elections, majorities against the Christian Democrats are no longer possible in votes. In other words, the EPP can vote down any proposal. The other pro-European groups are painfully aware of this.
So far, Weber has mainly used his new power in the Conference of Presidents and more on procedural issues. In the European Parliament, the substantive work in the committees has not yet begun. The exciting question is whether Weber will also accept the votes of the right when voting on legislative proposals – for example, he could be dependent on them when it comes to the abolition of fines for car manufacturers or the ban on combustion engines.
What’s more, the radical right-wing ID parliamentary group, the predecessor of the “Patriots”, was not interested in political participation in the last mandate. However, now that Orbán’s Fidesz party has joined the PfE, this could change. This would increase the influence of the far right on parliamentary work.
There is unrest. In an interview with Table.Briefings, an experienced and high-ranking S&D MEP said that cohesion in the “Von der Leyen coalition” is already in a bad state: “It would have been better if we had drawn up a written agreement.”
On the EPP side, it sounds like this: “The S&D, Renew and Greens do not begrudge Manfred Weber a single success.” They should finally recognize that the EPP won the European elections. However, some within the EPP also have a stomach ache. “If this continues and the two moves are not stopped, there will be a disaster in the vote on the Commission in November.”
Prior to the hearings of the Commissioner candidates, the pro-European political groups eyed each other critically. The EPP had registered that the Socialists and Liberals wanted to set the course in such a way that both Italian Executive Vice-President Raffaele Fitto (ECR) and Agriculture Commissioner Christophe Hansen (EPP) would be damaged in the hearings. Weber stopped these attempts in advance at the COP.
“Both sides have their guns at the ready. If one opens fire, there will be a massacre”, can be heard in the corridors of Parliament. This means that if the S&D, Renew and Co. refuse to support an EPP Commissioner or the ECR’s Raffaele Fitto in the hearings, the Christian Democrats will retaliate. The fact that this threat is on the table could help to prevent an escalation at the hearings. However, this is not a good sign for long-term cooperation between the pro-European parties.
Ursula von der Leyen set off on her trip to the Western Balkans yesterday. The Commission President will be meeting with the heads of state and government of the six countries until Saturday. A meeting with a rather difficult partner is scheduled for tomorrow: Serbia’s President Aleksandar Vučić only made headlines at the beginning of the week because he thanked Russia’s ruler Vladimir Putin in a phone call for continuing to supply Serbia with cheap Russian gas. He rejects sanctions against Moscow.
Von der Leyen found harmonious-sounding words at the start of her trip to Tirana: “I am delighted to start my tour of the Western Balkans in Albania with my friend Edi Rama“, she wrote on X about the Albanian Prime Minister. Albania is making great progress on the road to the EU.
Rama has set the goal of Albania being ready to join the EU by 2030. So far, the countries of the Western Balkans have had to be patient, as the EU had already promised them accession in 2003. The frustration in the region is sometimes great, especially as the countries had to watch as Ukraine and Moldova became accession candidates in record time in response to the Russian war of aggression.
But now von der Leyen has brought some good news: yesterday, Wednesday, the Commission announced that it had approved the reform agendas of Albania, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia and Serbia. In doing so, the states are committing themselves to reforms, particularly in the area of the rule of law, but also to digital and ecological change, for example. This step is a prerequisite for payments from the €6 billion Reform and Growth Facility, which von der Leyen promised during her trip to the Western Balkans last year. Bosnia and Herzegovina has not yet presented its reform agenda.
Get the day off to a good start!
The answers of the 26 Commissioners to the committees’ questions are available and have been published. The Commission’s Directorates-General were heavily involved. Finally, the texts were also submitted to the President’s Cabinet. In this respect, it can be assumed that they come close to the political intentions of Commission President Ursula von der Leyen.
The future Competition Commissioner Teresa Ribera is committed to simplifying the approval of state aid – particularly for renewable energies, the decarbonization of industry, and production capacities for clean-tech technologies. Christian Ehler, a CDU member of parliament from Brandenburg, considers this to be window-dressing: “Either the state aid framework will be relaxed in this legislature, which I don’t really believe will happen. Or the Competition Commissioner will have to admit that no acceleration can be achieved with a handful of responsible officials.” In the oral hearing on Nov. 12, MEPs therefore want to ask Ribera about her concrete plans to simplify state aid approvals.
Ehler also warns the Commission against intervening too heavily in the next Multiannual Financial Framework: “The Commission is trying to gear the entire EU budget towards an innovation and reform agenda and use it to control the competitiveness of only individual technologies. There will be no backing for this in Parliament.”
In the paper, Ribera presents herself as a supporter of reducing bureaucracy: “Avoiding unnecessary administrative burdens, complying with the principle of single reporting and avoiding duplicate reporting obligations will be important points to monitor.” There will be a comprehensive discussion on strategies for the future of the automotive industry.
Energy Commissioner Dan Jørgensen wants to respond to the wishes of many member states and draw up a roadmap for the end of Russian energy imports – in parallel with the review of the legal framework for energy security. He also wants to examine with member states and the nuclear industry whether the entire supply chain for nuclear reactors can also be included.
The Action Plan for Affordable Energy as part of the Clean Industrial Deal is likely to become a heading for the entire energy policy of the next legislature, such is the breadth of the announced and still vague range of measures. Among other things, it is to include revised financial market rules for the energy sector.
Climate Commissioner Wopke Hoekstra announces that he will do more to promote market-based measures in climate action. The Dutchman once again emphasizes the advantages of the ETS as a cost-effective instrument that also generates revenue to support low-income groups. However, CO2 pricing must also be supported by sectoral measures – for example in the areas of energy, transport, and agriculture.
Public money should be concentrated on investments that would otherwise not be financed by banks – for example “some investments in infrastructure”. As far as the phasing out of subsidies for fossil fuels is concerned, Hoekstra refers to the responsibility of the member states. However, he wants to create more transparency in order to exert pressure – for example through the upcoming reform of the Governance Regulation.
New cars should be climate-neutral by 2035. In his response, Hoekstra quotes von der Leyen’s guidelines: “In order to achieve this goal, a technology-neutral approach is required in which e-fuels can play a role through a targeted amendment to the regulation as part of the planned review.” He is therefore working on a “targeted amendment as part of the review planned for 2026” of the CO2 fleet limits. There is no mention of bringing forward the review.
Tzitzikostas wants to develop an “industrial action plan for the automotive sector”. It must be ensured that the “EU remains a global leader and retains a strong European production base”. Measures are required along the entire value chain: from critical raw materials to charging infrastructure. In addition, the EU must be able to rely on the infrastructure, “both for refueling and charging”. Automation and data must also be fully utilized.
The objectives of the measures: “We need to strengthen our industry and its employees, reduce our dependencies and vulnerabilities and get the sector on track to achieve the goals of dual sustainability and digital transformation.”
In the first 100 days of her mandate, the Digital Commissioner plans to primarily implement measures aimed at advancing Europe’s technological sovereignty. One of the central projects is the introduction of the AI Factories Initiative, which aims to create at least five AI factories in Europe. These are intended to offer European start-ups and companies access to high-performance computers to develop large-scale AI models. With the EU Cloud and AI Development Act, it wants to stimulate innovation in these areas, boost investment and reduce bureaucratic hurdles. It also intends to launch a consultation on the Apply AI Strategy to promote the use of AI in various sectors.
Another important step is the adoption of an action plan on cyber security in the healthcare sector to increase the resilience of hospitals and other healthcare providers to cyberattacks. Virkkunen has also announced specific legislative initiatives, such as the Digital Networks Act prepared by her predecessor Thierry Breton, which is intended to accelerate the expansion of high-speed networks. She describes the European Cybersecurity Certification Scheme for Cloud Services (EUCS) as a key element in securing European cloud services.
Research Commissioner Ekaterina Zakharieva wants to promote gender equality. She wants to promote women in management positions and also appoint equal representation to her own team, the Bulgarian replied to a relevant question from a parliamentarian. She emphasized the importance of research, start-ups and innovation for the EU’s competitiveness. Zakharieva is planning a new law on the European Research Area (ERA) to increase the mobility of innovators and researchers.
She also wants to ensure that the EU target of spending three percent of gross domestic product on research and innovation is achieved and put the funding gap at €120 billion. The European Research Council (ERC) and the European Innovation Council (EIC) are to be expanded in order to focus more on strategic priorities such as basic research, disruptive innovations, and scientific excellence.
A “Trusted Investor Network” is to mobilize private investment. Sachariewa announced a cross-commission start-up task force and plans to organize a “European Start-up and scale-up forum” in the first half of 2025. A dedicated AI research council is to emphasize the importance of the topic for the European Union. In the field of higher education, Sachariewa is aiming for “joint European degrees” in specific areas. Universities should also work more closely with the private and public sectors.
In his answers, the proposed Agriculture and Food Commissioner Christophe Hansen sticks closely to what von der Leyen has already announced: a vision paper for the sector in the first 100 days of his term of office, inspired by the recommendations of the Strategic Dialogue. Reducing bureaucracy and “targeted” agricultural subsidies, as well as more incentives from private capital for environmental and climate action.
The Luxembourger remains particularly cautious when it comes to food issues: This is where national and regional decision-makers are needed. When it comes to climate action, he admits that the sector must reduce emissions. However, instead of reducing livestock numbers, for example, he wants to focus on a better measurement system for agricultural emissions and technological solutions such as precision farming.
The nominated Environment Commissioner Jessika Roswall also focuses on the use of private capital and refers to the idea of “Nature Credits“, which von der Leyen recently brought into play. She promises the long-delayed reform of the REACH chemicals regulation by 2025 and also intends to present a strategy on water resilience, as announced in her letter of appointment. When it comes to biodiversity, the main focus is on implementing existing laws such as the Nature Restoration Law (NRL).
The Commissioner-designate for Employment and Education, Roxana Mînzatu, says she is “delighted” with the new title for her office, which now focuses on people. Her new title is literally: “Commissioner for People, Skills and Provision”. In terms of content, she is not very specific: some initiatives that were actually considered almost certain projects for the new legislature are now back in the unknown, such as a directive on algorithmic management. It merely states that the intention is to “continue to gather evidence” for a new initiative. Mînzatu is also keeping a low profile when it comes to strengthening the ELA, the European Labor Authority. On the other hand, she is focusing a little more on the new action plan for the social pillar. She wants to travel to every member state to ensure strong implementation. With Markus Grabitz, Corinna Visser, Julia Dahm, Tim Gabel
The mood is bad between EPP Group leader Manfred Weber and the leaders of the S&D, Renew, and Greens. Iratxe García Pérez (S&D), Válerie Hayer (Renew), and Terry Reintke (Greens) resent Weber for repeatedly pushing through decisions against their will with the help of votes from the right and far right. Examples include the European Parliament’s resolution on Venezuela, the timetable for the Commissioners’ hearings and the competences of the committees.
In both cases, the majorities for the decision came about because the EPP voted together with the ECR and the far-right “Patriots for Europe” (PfE) and “Sovereignists” (ESN). There was also a dispute in the vote on the 2025 budget yesterday, Wednesday, because the EPP had agreed to an amendment by the ESN group on deportation centers. The S&D, Renew and Greens, who voted for a second term of office for Ursula von der Leyen in July, are furious.
When the heads of the political groups meet in Strasbourg this Thursday at 11 a.m. for the Conference of Presidents (COP), there could be the next conflict: A vote will be held to decide who will receive the €50,000 Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought. The prize is awarded by Parliament. The following have made it to the last round of finalists:
The right-wing radicals of PfE and ESN had nominated the US entrepreneur Elon Musk, but he did not make it to the final and is therefore no longer on the ballot. It is possible that they will now vote with the EPP and EKR for the Venezuelan opposition. This is because it can be assumed that they have an interest in driving another wedge into the “Von der Leyen coalition” and fueling the debate about alleged collusion between Weber and Jordan Bardella (Rassemblement National), leader of the “Patriots” group.
Manfred Weber is not in Strasbourg this week due to illness and will be represented by Jeroen Lenaers. However, EPP leader Weber rejects the accusations of the S&D and Co.: there was no collusion. The EPP could not help it if the right-wing extremists voted with them. The EPP would still not vote with forces to the right of the ECR. The EPP also rejects an agreement with members of the Polish PiS, who represent a wing of the ECR.
There is a power-political background to the dispute: With the European elections in June, the majority ratios in Parliament have changed. In the last election period, the political groups to the left of the EPP together had 343 out of 703 seats, compared to 297 seats for the EPP and the right-wing groups. The votes of the parties to the left of the EPP were therefore sufficient to pass resolutions against the Christian Democrats. They made good use of this opportunity – much to the frustration of the EPP, which repeatedly failed to get its way.
The situation is different now: To the left of the EPP, the parliamentary groups have 316 out of 720 seats. The EPP, ECR and the two far-right groups have 375 seats. This means that since the European elections, majorities against the Christian Democrats are no longer possible in votes. In other words, the EPP can vote down any proposal. The other pro-European groups are painfully aware of this.
So far, Weber has mainly used his new power in the Conference of Presidents and more on procedural issues. In the European Parliament, the substantive work in the committees has not yet begun. The exciting question is whether Weber will also accept the votes of the right when voting on legislative proposals – for example, he could be dependent on them when it comes to the abolition of fines for car manufacturers or the ban on combustion engines.
What’s more, the radical right-wing ID parliamentary group, the predecessor of the “Patriots”, was not interested in political participation in the last mandate. However, now that Orbán’s Fidesz party has joined the PfE, this could change. This would increase the influence of the far right on parliamentary work.
There is unrest. In an interview with Table.Briefings, an experienced and high-ranking S&D MEP said that cohesion in the “Von der Leyen coalition” is already in a bad state: “It would have been better if we had drawn up a written agreement.”
On the EPP side, it sounds like this: “The S&D, Renew and Greens do not begrudge Manfred Weber a single success.” They should finally recognize that the EPP won the European elections. However, some within the EPP also have a stomach ache. “If this continues and the two moves are not stopped, there will be a disaster in the vote on the Commission in November.”
Prior to the hearings of the Commissioner candidates, the pro-European political groups eyed each other critically. The EPP had registered that the Socialists and Liberals wanted to set the course in such a way that both Italian Executive Vice-President Raffaele Fitto (ECR) and Agriculture Commissioner Christophe Hansen (EPP) would be damaged in the hearings. Weber stopped these attempts in advance at the COP.
“Both sides have their guns at the ready. If one opens fire, there will be a massacre”, can be heard in the corridors of Parliament. This means that if the S&D, Renew and Co. refuse to support an EPP Commissioner or the ECR’s Raffaele Fitto in the hearings, the Christian Democrats will retaliate. The fact that this threat is on the table could help to prevent an escalation at the hearings. However, this is not a good sign for long-term cooperation between the pro-European parties.