It’s safe to say that if Kamala Harris steps into the ring for the Democrats and possibly becomes the first female US president in history, Beijing will roll its eyes. They have had some bad experiences with women in Zhongnanhai in recent years. They are always so unyielding.
Angela Merkel got on their nerves with her years of moaning about human rights. Annalena Baerbock took it upon herself to call her head of state a dictator and constantly complained about their authoritarian state system. Ursula von der Leyen slapped them with hefty countervailing duties. And Nancy Pelosi gave the People’s Republic the snub from the Taiwanese coast.
Perhaps this is why they have already come to believe in Beijing that foreign policy could be so simple if it were exclusively shaped by men. It might turn out to be an irony of Chinese fate that Harris could now be the one to steer the fate of its great rival in the geostrategic competition. In any case, Michael Radunski has written down for us the key points that would guide an American foreign and security policy under the leadership of Kamala Harris. And this much is already clear: Things will certainly not get any better for the Chinese than they are now.
The Taiwanese are also closely watching the election outcome. A potential President Donald Trump is already causing a stir in his interviews when he talks about a possible world war and considers more quid pro quo for US support for Taiwan. It seems that someone has not yet grasped the importance of Taiwan for America’s power and security policy interests. So be it.
David Demes was there for us in Taipei when Taiwan’s Foreign Minister Lin Chia-lung spoke to foreign media. Lin probably acquired his composure and conviction about the island’s defensive capabilities in the presidential office in Taipei. He served under Tsai Ing-wen, who advanced Taiwan’s global integration with great self-confidence during her time in office. Another woman Beijing does not fondly remember.
In this context, I also recommend our article about Chinese hurdler and Olympic medalist Wu Yanni. She is a role model for many young Chinese women. Women often perform better at school and university, and their careers are usually steeper than those of men of the same age. However, they have to fight much harder against traditional gender roles in a still patriarchal China, writes Fabian Peltsch.
Then we’ve probably come full circle – at least until tomorrow.
Kamala Devi Harris represents the same tough China policy as US President Joe Biden. It has long been part of the bipartisan consensus in Washington to resolutely counter Beijing’s growing influence. Nevertheless, there are clear differences between Harris and Donald Trump’s China policy: While Trump always eyes a one-to-one deal, Harris relies on partners and alliances when competing with China.
Overall, the Asia policy of a possible US President Kamala Harris would be based on the following principles:
This approach is already evident in her itinerary as vice president. According to the White House, she traveled to more than 19 countries. She visited East Asia four times, seven countries and the Demilitarized Zone between North and South Korea. She visited Singapore, Vietnam, the Philippines and Indonesia, among others – but not China, Hong Kong or Taiwan.
Direct meetings with the Chinese leadership happened more in passing. When Harris represented the United States at the ASEAN and APEC summits, she sometimes met China’s Party and State Leader Xi Jinping and sometimes China’s Premier Li Qiang on the fringes of these summits. Yet, Harris’s travels have always focused on China. Her message: Beijing’s influence in the region must be curbed, and a secure Indo-Pacific must be promoted.
Harris demonstrated her substantive focus on her three trips to Southeast Asia. She left no doubt as to who she believes poses the greatest threat to security and stability in the region: “China coerces and intimidates,” Harris said in Singapore in 2021. She went on to explain that Beijing was “undermining the rules-based order” and threatening the sovereignty of the states in the South China Sea.
A year later, Harris once again made a statement against China while in the Philippines. “As an ally, the United States stands with the Philippines in the face of intimidation and coercion in the South China Sea,” Harris said in Palawan. The Philippines is close to the Spratly Islands, which, along with the Paracel Islands, are among the hotspots in the South China Sea. At the time, Harris also pointed out the ruling of the arbitration tribunal in The Hague, which had clearly rejected China’s claims. “The tribunal’s decision is legally binding and must be respected,” said Harris.
Unlike Donald Trump, Harris leaves no doubt about the role of the United States: Harris repeatedly made it unequivocally clear that the USA would stand by its allies and partners in the face of these threats. She further stated that Washington had ongoing obligations in Asia. “The Indo-Pacific is the top priority” of the USA.
In 2023, Harris explained in Indonesia that the USA does not want to provoke a conflict with China, “but we absolutely are prepared to and engaged in what is necessary to compete.”
Two other important aspects of Harris’ Asia policy are human rights and Taiwan. As a Senator from California, she regularly worked on legislation to promote human rights in Hong Kong. She was also a strong supporter of the Uyghur Human Rights Policy Act, which authorizes US sanctions on human rights violations in Xinjiang.
And under Kamala Harris, US support for Taiwan would unlikely change. When she met Lai Ching-te in 2022, Harris said unequivocally: “We will continue to support Taiwan’s self-defense, consistent with our long-standing policy.” Incidentally, Lai is now President of Taiwan and Harris intends to achieve the same in the USA.
That leaves the issue of punitive tariffs on Chinese goods – one of the few points on which Harris has changed her position under her boss Joe Biden. During the 2020 election campaign, Kamala Harris had opposed Trump’s China tariffs, arguing that the tariffs “take 1.4 billion dollars out of working people’s pockets every month.” Harris had suggested that the US should not act unilaterally but “work with our allies in Europe and Asia to confront China on its troubling trade practices.”
China’s cadres were not only surprised to learn that the Biden-Harris administration largely retained the tariffs from the Trump era. Biden even went further: Above all, the strict export controls in the high-tech sector have significantly hurt China’s semiconductor ecosystem and its development. Accordingly, it can be assumed that Harris would continue to maintain the tariffs here – but possibly more in coordination with partners in Europe and Asia.
Right at the start of his first press conference with foreign media, Taiwan’s new Foreign Minister Lin Chia-lung got down to business. US broadcaster CNN confronted Lin with Donald Trump’s statements, who not only spoke about a third world war in Asia, but also questioned US military support for Taiwan and called on the island republic to pay protection money to Washington. “We’re no different than an insurance company,” said Trump, “Taiwan doesn’t give us anything.”
But Taiwan’s new foreign minister was well prepared. He said that “we pay great attention” to Trump’s statements. And then Lin reminded journalists that Taiwan had almost doubled its defense spending in the past eight years: to 606.8 billion Taiwan dollars – around 18.45 billion US dollars and approximately 2.5 percent of Taiwan’s gross domestic product. He said these figures showed that Taiwan was prepared to pay what was necessary to defend the island. “I expect this will continue to rise,” said Lin. The aim is not only to invest in more weapons, but also to invest more in training soldiers.
Fittingly, the annual Han Kuang military maneuver, which has been preparing the island for a military crisis for decades, began on Monday. The restructuring of the drill showed just how seriously the country now takes the threat from the People’s Republic of China. Elements used for show and entertainment in the past, such as the presentation of its own firepower, have been canceled. Instead, night operations are now being intensified to train how to operate with interrupted command lines. However, Monday initially focused on landing defense drills on a strategic river.
Speaking to the press, Minister Lin emphasized that US support for Taiwan is bipartisan and that both US President Joe Biden and his challenger Donald Trump take the Chinese threat seriously. Towards Europe, he expressed sympathy for Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, who had recently underlined in the EU Parliament that she wanted to deter China from unilaterally changing the status quo by military means, especially with regard to Taiwan. Lin expects relations between Taiwan and the EU to deepen further under her leadership. Nevertheless, Lin explained that Taiwan must rely primarily on itself in defense matters.
He also pointed out that Beijing likes to rely on psychological ploys to assert its interests. The same would apply to formulating a timetable for the incorporation of Taiwan. He said it was important to realize that China uses such timetables as part of its cognitive warfare. “We should not be constrained by his manipulation,” Lin said. Instead, he announced his determination to cooperate with international partners to deter China.
Because security and the economy are so directly intertwined in Taiwan as they are hardly anywhere else in the world, Lin also focused on the importance of his country’s economic integration. Using Central and Eastern Europe as an example, Lin said that Taiwan and the Baltic States had had similar experiences with dictatorships and the threat posed by a larger neighbor.
Lin highlighted Lithuania’s development of a semiconductor industry and the country’s expertise in laser technology and FinTech, which could benefit Taiwan. Lin added that the Taiwanese Central Europe Fund has already achieved significant results in countries such as Lithuania and the Czech Republic and has promoted many investments in high-tech collaborations.
The Japanese newspaper Nikkei Asia recently reported that Lin is even striving for a new foreign economic policy. Part of this strategy is to include the creation of three industrial parks in Japan, the Czech Republic and a Southeast Asian country (probably Thailand), as well as the establishment of a state fund for Taiwanese SMEs seeking to invest in South and Southeast Asia. However, the idea is not entirely new and builds on similar initiatives by former President Tsai Ing-wen, whom Lin served as Secretary General of the Taiwanese Presidential Office.
It is legitimate for Taiwan to use financial incentives to attract or at least retain foreign policy partners. China does the same. Taiwan is explicitly helping its twelve remaining diplomatic allies in the global community to ensure they can develop their economies and not get the idea of replacing Taiwan with China. According to Lin, Taiwan is analyzing the industrial conditions of these countries in order to support them in the areas of big data and artificial intelligence.
China already calls her the “goddess of athletics.” Hurdler Wu Yanni 吴艳妮 is one of China’s biggest hopes for the Olympic Games in Paris. In early July, the 26-year-old won the women’s 100-meter hurdles at the National Athletics Championships in Rizhao, Shandong. Her gold-winning time of 12.74 seconds was the fastest run by an Asian woman this year.
Wu Yanni is already a star. More than three million people follow her on Douyin, the Chinese TikTok, alone. But she is also a polarizing athlete. Her flashy make-up and self-confident manner before and after the races have earned her the reputation of being primarily out for attention. Her “bad girl” tattoo on her right arm has also attracted criticism: Voices say that this is not how women should behave in professional sports. Wu brings shame to China, they say.
When Wu was disqualified for a false start at the Asian Games in Hangzhou last year, many saw this as further proof that she was all about show. She called it “the worst possible low point in her career.”
But Wu doesn’t mind stepping out of line. “It takes courage to be disliked,” she says. And after winning in Rizhao, she told the press: “I want to show the world the prettiest, coolest, bravest and most self-confident Wu Yanni.” The bigger the criticism, the stronger she becomes: “So keep criticizing me. Because the more I’m criticized, the happier and more motivated I am.”
Wu Yanni is a role model for many young Chinese women who strive to be like her. Their academic achievements at school and university are often better, and their careers are often steeper than those of men of the same age. Nevertheless, women have to fight much harder against traditional role models in what is still a patriarchal China. “Society is a lot more accepting nowadays, and now you have me coming in with my personality, which demonstrates that there’s nothing wrong with girls being confident, and nothing wrong with girls being showy either,” says Wu.
Wu Yanni was born on July 28, 1997, in the small town of Zigong in Sichuan province. She was diagnosed with hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) at a young age. “I didn’t really like studying, I just liked singing, dancing, running,” she said in an interview. Her mother would sometimes bribe her with 100 yuan bills if she managed to sit still for at least an hour. She didn’t earn mao that way. Family friends urged their fidgety daughter to channel her energy into competitive sports. Wu initially learned to dance until a coach discovered her at a sports competition at the age of nine. “He said my legs were long, I could run fast, I’d have an advantage in track and field, and I had the potential to become an athlete.”
After training for some time in the provincial capital Chengdu, she was selected for the hurdles team at Beijing Sports University in 2012. However, a slipped disc almost ended her career. She didn’t take her limits seriously enough, she says today. “You’re really just competing against yourself. It’s an extremely painful process, but I think that’s the attraction. When you’re young, you’re trying to test your limits and get better.”
After taking some time off, Wu bounced back and won gold at the Chinese National Games in 2018 and 2020. In between tournaments, she made her debut for the Chinese national athletics team in 2019. Apart from the disqualification in Hangzhou, Wu has a winning streak: She was Chinese champion in the 100-meter hurdles in both 2021 and 2023.
Her next goal is to break China’s national record of 12.64 seconds. Then her biggest rivals will be the international athletes, she says. The world record in the women’s 100-meter hurdles is held by Tobi Amusan from Nigeria with 12.12 seconds. “I’ve wanted to win ever since I was little,” says Wu. At the Olympic Games in Paris, she certainly doesn’t want to leave her “performative personality” in the dressing room. “The bigger the audience, the more excited I get, the more I want to show off.” Fabian Peltsch
It’s not hard to tell which event is being celebrated here: The 34th Qingdao Beer Festival has begun. More than 2,200 types of beer are on tap, some of which are brewed locally, while others find their way to the Chinese port city from all over the world these days. Bottoms up!
It’s safe to say that if Kamala Harris steps into the ring for the Democrats and possibly becomes the first female US president in history, Beijing will roll its eyes. They have had some bad experiences with women in Zhongnanhai in recent years. They are always so unyielding.
Angela Merkel got on their nerves with her years of moaning about human rights. Annalena Baerbock took it upon herself to call her head of state a dictator and constantly complained about their authoritarian state system. Ursula von der Leyen slapped them with hefty countervailing duties. And Nancy Pelosi gave the People’s Republic the snub from the Taiwanese coast.
Perhaps this is why they have already come to believe in Beijing that foreign policy could be so simple if it were exclusively shaped by men. It might turn out to be an irony of Chinese fate that Harris could now be the one to steer the fate of its great rival in the geostrategic competition. In any case, Michael Radunski has written down for us the key points that would guide an American foreign and security policy under the leadership of Kamala Harris. And this much is already clear: Things will certainly not get any better for the Chinese than they are now.
The Taiwanese are also closely watching the election outcome. A potential President Donald Trump is already causing a stir in his interviews when he talks about a possible world war and considers more quid pro quo for US support for Taiwan. It seems that someone has not yet grasped the importance of Taiwan for America’s power and security policy interests. So be it.
David Demes was there for us in Taipei when Taiwan’s Foreign Minister Lin Chia-lung spoke to foreign media. Lin probably acquired his composure and conviction about the island’s defensive capabilities in the presidential office in Taipei. He served under Tsai Ing-wen, who advanced Taiwan’s global integration with great self-confidence during her time in office. Another woman Beijing does not fondly remember.
In this context, I also recommend our article about Chinese hurdler and Olympic medalist Wu Yanni. She is a role model for many young Chinese women. Women often perform better at school and university, and their careers are usually steeper than those of men of the same age. However, they have to fight much harder against traditional gender roles in a still patriarchal China, writes Fabian Peltsch.
Then we’ve probably come full circle – at least until tomorrow.
Kamala Devi Harris represents the same tough China policy as US President Joe Biden. It has long been part of the bipartisan consensus in Washington to resolutely counter Beijing’s growing influence. Nevertheless, there are clear differences between Harris and Donald Trump’s China policy: While Trump always eyes a one-to-one deal, Harris relies on partners and alliances when competing with China.
Overall, the Asia policy of a possible US President Kamala Harris would be based on the following principles:
This approach is already evident in her itinerary as vice president. According to the White House, she traveled to more than 19 countries. She visited East Asia four times, seven countries and the Demilitarized Zone between North and South Korea. She visited Singapore, Vietnam, the Philippines and Indonesia, among others – but not China, Hong Kong or Taiwan.
Direct meetings with the Chinese leadership happened more in passing. When Harris represented the United States at the ASEAN and APEC summits, she sometimes met China’s Party and State Leader Xi Jinping and sometimes China’s Premier Li Qiang on the fringes of these summits. Yet, Harris’s travels have always focused on China. Her message: Beijing’s influence in the region must be curbed, and a secure Indo-Pacific must be promoted.
Harris demonstrated her substantive focus on her three trips to Southeast Asia. She left no doubt as to who she believes poses the greatest threat to security and stability in the region: “China coerces and intimidates,” Harris said in Singapore in 2021. She went on to explain that Beijing was “undermining the rules-based order” and threatening the sovereignty of the states in the South China Sea.
A year later, Harris once again made a statement against China while in the Philippines. “As an ally, the United States stands with the Philippines in the face of intimidation and coercion in the South China Sea,” Harris said in Palawan. The Philippines is close to the Spratly Islands, which, along with the Paracel Islands, are among the hotspots in the South China Sea. At the time, Harris also pointed out the ruling of the arbitration tribunal in The Hague, which had clearly rejected China’s claims. “The tribunal’s decision is legally binding and must be respected,” said Harris.
Unlike Donald Trump, Harris leaves no doubt about the role of the United States: Harris repeatedly made it unequivocally clear that the USA would stand by its allies and partners in the face of these threats. She further stated that Washington had ongoing obligations in Asia. “The Indo-Pacific is the top priority” of the USA.
In 2023, Harris explained in Indonesia that the USA does not want to provoke a conflict with China, “but we absolutely are prepared to and engaged in what is necessary to compete.”
Two other important aspects of Harris’ Asia policy are human rights and Taiwan. As a Senator from California, she regularly worked on legislation to promote human rights in Hong Kong. She was also a strong supporter of the Uyghur Human Rights Policy Act, which authorizes US sanctions on human rights violations in Xinjiang.
And under Kamala Harris, US support for Taiwan would unlikely change. When she met Lai Ching-te in 2022, Harris said unequivocally: “We will continue to support Taiwan’s self-defense, consistent with our long-standing policy.” Incidentally, Lai is now President of Taiwan and Harris intends to achieve the same in the USA.
That leaves the issue of punitive tariffs on Chinese goods – one of the few points on which Harris has changed her position under her boss Joe Biden. During the 2020 election campaign, Kamala Harris had opposed Trump’s China tariffs, arguing that the tariffs “take 1.4 billion dollars out of working people’s pockets every month.” Harris had suggested that the US should not act unilaterally but “work with our allies in Europe and Asia to confront China on its troubling trade practices.”
China’s cadres were not only surprised to learn that the Biden-Harris administration largely retained the tariffs from the Trump era. Biden even went further: Above all, the strict export controls in the high-tech sector have significantly hurt China’s semiconductor ecosystem and its development. Accordingly, it can be assumed that Harris would continue to maintain the tariffs here – but possibly more in coordination with partners in Europe and Asia.
Right at the start of his first press conference with foreign media, Taiwan’s new Foreign Minister Lin Chia-lung got down to business. US broadcaster CNN confronted Lin with Donald Trump’s statements, who not only spoke about a third world war in Asia, but also questioned US military support for Taiwan and called on the island republic to pay protection money to Washington. “We’re no different than an insurance company,” said Trump, “Taiwan doesn’t give us anything.”
But Taiwan’s new foreign minister was well prepared. He said that “we pay great attention” to Trump’s statements. And then Lin reminded journalists that Taiwan had almost doubled its defense spending in the past eight years: to 606.8 billion Taiwan dollars – around 18.45 billion US dollars and approximately 2.5 percent of Taiwan’s gross domestic product. He said these figures showed that Taiwan was prepared to pay what was necessary to defend the island. “I expect this will continue to rise,” said Lin. The aim is not only to invest in more weapons, but also to invest more in training soldiers.
Fittingly, the annual Han Kuang military maneuver, which has been preparing the island for a military crisis for decades, began on Monday. The restructuring of the drill showed just how seriously the country now takes the threat from the People’s Republic of China. Elements used for show and entertainment in the past, such as the presentation of its own firepower, have been canceled. Instead, night operations are now being intensified to train how to operate with interrupted command lines. However, Monday initially focused on landing defense drills on a strategic river.
Speaking to the press, Minister Lin emphasized that US support for Taiwan is bipartisan and that both US President Joe Biden and his challenger Donald Trump take the Chinese threat seriously. Towards Europe, he expressed sympathy for Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, who had recently underlined in the EU Parliament that she wanted to deter China from unilaterally changing the status quo by military means, especially with regard to Taiwan. Lin expects relations between Taiwan and the EU to deepen further under her leadership. Nevertheless, Lin explained that Taiwan must rely primarily on itself in defense matters.
He also pointed out that Beijing likes to rely on psychological ploys to assert its interests. The same would apply to formulating a timetable for the incorporation of Taiwan. He said it was important to realize that China uses such timetables as part of its cognitive warfare. “We should not be constrained by his manipulation,” Lin said. Instead, he announced his determination to cooperate with international partners to deter China.
Because security and the economy are so directly intertwined in Taiwan as they are hardly anywhere else in the world, Lin also focused on the importance of his country’s economic integration. Using Central and Eastern Europe as an example, Lin said that Taiwan and the Baltic States had had similar experiences with dictatorships and the threat posed by a larger neighbor.
Lin highlighted Lithuania’s development of a semiconductor industry and the country’s expertise in laser technology and FinTech, which could benefit Taiwan. Lin added that the Taiwanese Central Europe Fund has already achieved significant results in countries such as Lithuania and the Czech Republic and has promoted many investments in high-tech collaborations.
The Japanese newspaper Nikkei Asia recently reported that Lin is even striving for a new foreign economic policy. Part of this strategy is to include the creation of three industrial parks in Japan, the Czech Republic and a Southeast Asian country (probably Thailand), as well as the establishment of a state fund for Taiwanese SMEs seeking to invest in South and Southeast Asia. However, the idea is not entirely new and builds on similar initiatives by former President Tsai Ing-wen, whom Lin served as Secretary General of the Taiwanese Presidential Office.
It is legitimate for Taiwan to use financial incentives to attract or at least retain foreign policy partners. China does the same. Taiwan is explicitly helping its twelve remaining diplomatic allies in the global community to ensure they can develop their economies and not get the idea of replacing Taiwan with China. According to Lin, Taiwan is analyzing the industrial conditions of these countries in order to support them in the areas of big data and artificial intelligence.
China already calls her the “goddess of athletics.” Hurdler Wu Yanni 吴艳妮 is one of China’s biggest hopes for the Olympic Games in Paris. In early July, the 26-year-old won the women’s 100-meter hurdles at the National Athletics Championships in Rizhao, Shandong. Her gold-winning time of 12.74 seconds was the fastest run by an Asian woman this year.
Wu Yanni is already a star. More than three million people follow her on Douyin, the Chinese TikTok, alone. But she is also a polarizing athlete. Her flashy make-up and self-confident manner before and after the races have earned her the reputation of being primarily out for attention. Her “bad girl” tattoo on her right arm has also attracted criticism: Voices say that this is not how women should behave in professional sports. Wu brings shame to China, they say.
When Wu was disqualified for a false start at the Asian Games in Hangzhou last year, many saw this as further proof that she was all about show. She called it “the worst possible low point in her career.”
But Wu doesn’t mind stepping out of line. “It takes courage to be disliked,” she says. And after winning in Rizhao, she told the press: “I want to show the world the prettiest, coolest, bravest and most self-confident Wu Yanni.” The bigger the criticism, the stronger she becomes: “So keep criticizing me. Because the more I’m criticized, the happier and more motivated I am.”
Wu Yanni is a role model for many young Chinese women who strive to be like her. Their academic achievements at school and university are often better, and their careers are often steeper than those of men of the same age. Nevertheless, women have to fight much harder against traditional role models in what is still a patriarchal China. “Society is a lot more accepting nowadays, and now you have me coming in with my personality, which demonstrates that there’s nothing wrong with girls being confident, and nothing wrong with girls being showy either,” says Wu.
Wu Yanni was born on July 28, 1997, in the small town of Zigong in Sichuan province. She was diagnosed with hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) at a young age. “I didn’t really like studying, I just liked singing, dancing, running,” she said in an interview. Her mother would sometimes bribe her with 100 yuan bills if she managed to sit still for at least an hour. She didn’t earn mao that way. Family friends urged their fidgety daughter to channel her energy into competitive sports. Wu initially learned to dance until a coach discovered her at a sports competition at the age of nine. “He said my legs were long, I could run fast, I’d have an advantage in track and field, and I had the potential to become an athlete.”
After training for some time in the provincial capital Chengdu, she was selected for the hurdles team at Beijing Sports University in 2012. However, a slipped disc almost ended her career. She didn’t take her limits seriously enough, she says today. “You’re really just competing against yourself. It’s an extremely painful process, but I think that’s the attraction. When you’re young, you’re trying to test your limits and get better.”
After taking some time off, Wu bounced back and won gold at the Chinese National Games in 2018 and 2020. In between tournaments, she made her debut for the Chinese national athletics team in 2019. Apart from the disqualification in Hangzhou, Wu has a winning streak: She was Chinese champion in the 100-meter hurdles in both 2021 and 2023.
Her next goal is to break China’s national record of 12.64 seconds. Then her biggest rivals will be the international athletes, she says. The world record in the women’s 100-meter hurdles is held by Tobi Amusan from Nigeria with 12.12 seconds. “I’ve wanted to win ever since I was little,” says Wu. At the Olympic Games in Paris, she certainly doesn’t want to leave her “performative personality” in the dressing room. “The bigger the audience, the more excited I get, the more I want to show off.” Fabian Peltsch
It’s not hard to tell which event is being celebrated here: The 34th Qingdao Beer Festival has begun. More than 2,200 types of beer are on tap, some of which are brewed locally, while others find their way to the Chinese port city from all over the world these days. Bottoms up!
