Economics and industry ministers are meeting in Brussels today for the second day of the Competitiveness Council. The discussion will revolve around the future of the internal market and European industrial policy.
In a sign of Franco-German unity, the ministries of Robert Habeck and Bruno Le Maire yesterday published a joint declaration on how the two countries intend to boost economic growth over the next five years. They estimate the additional investment required for the EU’s green and digital transformation at €745 billion.
Similar to the joint declaration with their Italian colleague Urso, Habeck and Le Maire are calling for more funding at the EU level. In addition to private funds, public aid should also contribute to boosting investment.
But unity between Habeck and Le Maire does not mean unity between Germany and France. While the BMWK and Bercy are celebrating their joint declaration, German and French diplomats are arguing behind the scenes in Brussels about the formulation of the conclusions of today’s Competitiveness Council.
France, for example, wants a commitment to the principle that imported products must meet the same standards as European products. Germany does not want to see these mirror clauses in the text. The text is to serve the new Commission as a basis for the new legislature. The German side does not want to create potential barriers to trade with such formulations.
There is further potential for conflict on a point that France has put on the agenda for today on short notice: the US tariffs on Chinese products. Germany and France are unlikely to agree today on how the EU should react. This leaves a lot for discussion at the Franco-German Council of Ministers next Tuesday and the EU Trade Council on Thursday.
Have a pleasant Friday!
Your János Allenbach-Ammann
Feature
Why the TV duel shows the limits of the top candidate principle
TV debates between politicians before elections are actually intended to highlight differences between the candidates. During the Eurovision debate on Thursday, however, the five leading candidates only exchanged verbal blows on how to deal with far-right parties. Otherwise, the differences remained rather pale – which was also because the party families of the national conservative ECR and the extreme right ID were not represented on stage in the European Parliament: They did not put forward lead candidates, which the organizing European Broadcast Union (EBU) had made a condition.
Social Democrats, Greens and the left attacked Commission President Ursula von der Leyen for her willingness to work with forces to the right of the EPP. “For me, the ECR and ID are not democratic forces,” said Social Democrat candidate Nicolas Schmit. In Italy, for example, the right-wing government wants to restrict women’s rights and media freedom. “We need clarity on certain issues, not ambiguity,” he said, addressing von der Leyen.
‘Meloni is clearly pro-European’
The CDU politician referred to the EPP’s three criteria for cooperation. In her view, Italy’s Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni is clearly pro-European and has clearly positioned herself against Russia’s President Putin. Von der Leyen emphasized that she did not want to work with the ECR as a whole: “I am not talking about groups, I am talking about parliamentarians who will belong to different groups.” The European Parliament would first have to reorganize itself after the elections from 6 to 9 June. However, she will certainly not cooperate with parties such as the Rassemblement National, the AfD or the Polish Konfederacja.
Liberal representative Sandro Gozi also had to listen to harsh criticism. Green candidate Terry Reintke called for a special meeting of the Renew Group before the election in order to exclude the Dutch member party VVD. This party had agreed on a government alliance with the right-wing extremist Islam opponent Geert Wilders. Gozi referred to the parliamentary group meeting scheduled immediately after the election, at which the exclusion of the VVD will be discussed.
Von der Leyen: New own funds for defense
Social Affairs Commissioner Schmit made only one additional direct attack on his previous boss von der Leyen: for the migration deal with Tunisia. In view of the latest reports that border guards there are abandoning refugees in the desert, he said: “That is not Europe.” Left-wing candidate Walter Baier emphasized that Europe must continue to be open to refugees: “The problem is not migration, the problem is the extreme right.” The other parties had adopted their narrative.
Gozi called on von der Leyen to take a clear stance on the demands for Eurobonds in order to provide a defense fund with sufficient resources. The EPP candidate was open to this: “It is absolutely crucial to look at how we finance defense,” she said with a view to the next legislative period. There are two options for this, namely higher contributions from the Member States or new own resources. It was now time to talk about new own resources. The EU states could not keep giving Brussels new tasks without clarifying financing: “Let us now work on new own resources at the European level to really finance our defense.”
Von der Leyen shows no weakness
Von der Leyen showed no weakness in the debate. She had taken a certain risk by being the first incumbent to be put forward as the lead candidate and thus having to justify her policies. She claimed that the election campaign she had run in eleven member states so far was “one of the best experiences of her life.”
However, her candidacy has not yet led to the European election campaign picking up speed. The TV debate is also unlikely to have reached a wider audience, although it was broadcast in all 27 member states, if only because of the afternoon time slot. In Germany, for example, the debate was only broadcast by the information channel Phoenix. In France, interest focused on the evening exchange of blows between Prime Minister Gabriel Attal and Jordan Bardella, leader of the Rassemblement National. The European elections will only make it into prime time when ZDF (on May 30) and ARD (on June 6) pit the leading German candidates against each other.
‘Not a piggy bank for the federal elections’
The circumstances also show the limits of the top candidate principle, an important element for supporters to make Europe more tangible for the citizens. Most party families have put forward candidates for the Commission presidency, the Greens two, the Liberals even three. The confusion between national and EU-wide candidates is causing further confusion among voters. “Because the EU is a complex construct, the top candidate principle also remains complicated,” says Thu Nguyen, Deputy Director of the Jacques Delors Center in Berlin.
In many countries, the candidates hardly get through, also because the parties only mobilize modest resources for the election campaign, at least compared to the national elections. Elmar Brok, a long-standing CDU European politician, notes a “tiredness, thriftiness and restraint on the part of the leading figures in the democratic parties – with gradual differences.” However, the European elections are “too important to serve as a piggy bank for the Bundestag elections.” With Claire Stam
All texts on the 2024 European elections can be found here.
Translation missing.
Where migration agreements make the EU vulnerable to blackmail
Lebanese Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah makes no secret of his plan: in mid-May, he called on the government in Beirut to invite Syrian refugees in thecountry to travel by boat to the nearby EU republic of Cyprus. “If we do that, the EU will not give us one billion, but 20 billion, and maybe 30,” he said. This would prompt the Europeans to “lift the embargo on Syria,” added the close ally of Syrian dictator Bashar al-Assad. Nasrallah thus indirectly highlighted a crucial weakness of the European migration agreements: they encourage the recipient countries to blackmail.
The declared “comprehensive and strategic partnership” with Lebanon has been preceded by several similar agreements since 2016. Their motto is “money for border protection.” The following list contains only EU agreements with third countries. Their long-term impact is unclear. What is clear, however, is that the EU buys thesometimes questionable services of other states for a lot of money.
These migration agreements already exist
Turkey 2016, around €9.5 billion: The deal in the EU’s most important migration agreement consisted of two parts. Firstly, Ankara undertook to take back irregular Syrian migrants. In return, the EU was to take on the same number of recognized refugees from Turkey. Secondly, Brussels guaranteed to provide €6 billion for the care of around 3.5 million Syrians in Turkey; around €3.5 billion were added after 2020. The first of the two agreements was insufficiently implemented, as only 2,140 Syrians were repatriated, and none since 2020. However, this is not a failure, says migration researcher Gerald Knaus from the European Stability Initiative think tank, the mental initiator of the agreement. “Such safe third-country agreements only work if they stop irregular migration with just a few returns. And that’s exactly what happened.” In conjunction with part two of the agreement. Since then, Turkey has effectively controlled the land and sea border with the EU. However, Brussels made itself vulnerable to blackmail. Knaus says the EU-Turkey deal is nevertheless a solitaire among the migration agreements. “The idea is to bring people to a safe third country based on European law, where the right to protection status is guaranteed. I believe there is no alternative if we want control that is not based on violence.” There are also agreements such as those with Libya, Tunisia or Lebanon, “where the states receive money and are told to do something to prevent people from leaving, if necessary by force. Whether the countries are safe is irrelevant.”
Libya 2017, at least €124 million: at the end of 2017, the Italian government signed an EU-funded agreement with the Libyan coastguard to patrol the Mediterranean. Further agreements followed. They include funding and material support for the Libyan coastguard, which intercepts migrants in boats. Tripoli also received financial support from Brussels and, above all, from Italy, which has pledged a total of €124 million by 2022 alone. Around €465 million have been made available from the EU Emergency Trust Fund for Africa for “migration-related services” since 2015. In the first five years alone, the coastguard intercepted more than 82,000 people. However, migration researcher Knaus speaks of a “morally, politically and humanitarian catastrophic situation”: “The EU is supporting Libyan institutions to return people to a situation where they are mistreated, put in camps, exploited and enslaved. This is intolerable.”
Ethiopia only took back ten percent
Ethiopia 2017, €250 million: In December 2017, the EU concluded a migration agreement with Ethiopia worth €250 million. In addition to economic aid, the agreement provided for the readmission of Ethiopians. As the East African country nevertheless only took back around ten percent of its citizens, the EU announced stricter visa regulations for Ethiopians in April 2024. The East African country is home to almost one million refugees and around 3.5 million internally displaced persons.
Tunisia 2023, €1billion (declaration of intent): In July 2023, the EU, Italy and Tunisia signed a declaration of intent against irregular migration and for economic stabilization. In return for financial aid totaling €1 billion euros from the EU and the International Monetary Fund, including €105 million to stem irregular migration, the Maghreb state was supposed to stop the boats heading for Italy and take back migrants from the EU. However, President Kais Saied was disgruntled by European criticism of the deadly practice of abandoning migrants in the desert. He massively increased the number of departures – to almost 150,000 last year – and transferred the first contract installment of €60 million back to Brussels. The pressure worked: at the beginning of March, the EU made €150 million available as a direct transfer of funds. The number of arrivals in Italy has fallen this year. However, he is “deeply skeptical” as to whether the agreement can work, says migration expert Knaus. It reminds him of the €500 million agreement between London and Paris to stop migrant boats. “In the first four months of this year, more people have come from France to the UK than ever before. Stopping them will not work in France and probably not in Tunisia or Lebanon either.”
Morocco demands recognition of the Western Sahara
Morocco 2023, €125 million (declaration of intent): Until now, the cooperation between Brussels and Rabat has been rather informal; now €125 million is to officially flow into a migration program. Like Spain, the main destination for irregular migrants from Morocco, Brussels has also repeatedly paid large sums as economic aid and for the fight against smugglers. In return, Rabat is increasingly preventing migrants from reaching the Spanish enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla as well as the Canary Islands. Around 87,000 irregular migrants were intercepted in 2023, a significant increase. However, Morocco’s King Mohammed VI is demanding a political price for his cooperation: recognition of the disputed territory of Western Sahara as Moroccan territory.
Mauritania 2024, worth €210 million: The migration pact with the North African desert state of Mauritania, which was adopted by the European Parliament in April, aims to stop irregular migrants before they reach the Canary Islands. The country is also to receive economic aid and support in taking in refugees and securing the border with the civil war country of Mali. 150,000 Malian refugees are living in Mauritania. From January to mid-March, 12,393 migrants reached the Spanish archipelago via the dangerous Atlantic route, compared to just 2,178 people in the same period last year.
Further agreements are planned
Egypt 2024, volume €7.4 billion (letter of intent): €7.4 billion is to flow to Egypt over the next four years. “This is primarily macro-financial aid for a country that is on the brink of the abyss in terms of its financial policy,” says Knaus. €5 billion will flow directly into the Egyptian treasury as loans, plus €1.8 billion in loans to promote the economy and €600 million in non-repayable grants, of which only €200 million will be used to combat smugglers and secure the border. Egypt, which has taken in at least six million intra-African refugees, is seen in Brussels as a “strategic partner” for curbing irregular migration in the Mediterranean, despite its catastrophic human rights record. This is because Cairo has spent large sums of money since 2015 to rigorously prevent migrants from leaving its shores.
Lebanon 2024, worth €1billion (declaration of intent): The promised EU money is intended to contribute to the stability of the Lebanese crisis state and restrict irregular migration, especially of Syrian refugees to Cyprus. The agreement primarily concerns the approximately 1.5 million Syrians in Lebanon, who have fled war, terror and poverty in their home country to the neighboring country, but mostly live there in precarious conditions. In addition to corruption, one problem is Hezbollah, which is involved in the government. No one can rule out the possibility that the terrorist organization will use EU money to buy missiles that are then aimed at Tel Aviv.
Asylpolitik
Translation missing.
EU-Monitoring
May 27-28, 2024 Council of the EU: Foreign Affairs Topics: Exchange of views on Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, Exchange of views on the situation in the Middle East, Exchange of views on EU support for Ukraine, Exchange of views on defense preparedness.Provisional agenda
May 27, 2024, 10 a.m. Council of the EU: Agriculture and Fisheries Topics: Exchange of ideas on the crisis situation in the agricultural sector, exchange of ideas on the market situation (especially after the invasion of Ukraine). Provisional agenda
May 28, 2024 Council of the European Economic Area Topics: The representatives of the governments of the member states meet for consultations.Info
May 29, 2024 Weekly commission meeting Topics: Discussion on EU preparedness and crisis response.Provisional agenda
May 30, 2024, 9:30 a.m. Council of the EU: Foreign Affairs (Trade) Topics: Policy debate on trade and competitiveness (future of EU trade policy ), state of play on trade and investment relations between the EU and Africa. Provisional agenda
May 230, 2024, 10 a.m. Council of the EU: Transport, Telecommunications and Energy (Energy) Topics: Approval of the conclusions on the development of sustainable electricity grids, exchange of views on RePowerEU communication, exchange of views on the European Green Deal.Provisional agenda
Translation missing.
News
All AfD MEPs excluded from the ID Group
All AfD MEPs have been expelled from the right-wing ID Group in the European Parliament. The corresponding motion by group leader Marco Zanni has received the necessary support.
Zanni had requested the exclusion of all AfD MEPs this Thursday. This was first reported by Deutsche Presse-Agentur, which received a document that was sent to top representatives of all ID member parties represented in Parliament.
The text of the motion states that in view of “the series of incidents in which Mr. Maximilian Krah and thus also the German delegation of the group were involved and in view of the fact that these incidents have damaged the cohesion and reputation of the group,” it should be decided to terminate the membership of the members of the German delegation with immediate effect. The names of all nine AfD MEPsarelisted.
The background to ID Group leader Zanni’s motion is the current criticism of behavior within the AfD. OnWednesday, the party leadership banned its own top candidate, Krah, from making an appearance. The specific reason for this was Krah’s controversial comments on the SS. The 47-year-old Saxon is also under pressure due to the espionage affair surrounding an employee and his closeness to Russia and China. The number two on the AfD’s European list, Petr Bystron, will also nolonger be campaigning for the time being following investigations into corruption.
The exclusion of the AfD MEPs is symbolic for the time being, as Parliament will not meet again until after the European elections in two weeks’ time. The political groups will then also be reassembled.
Marine Le Pen’s French Rassemblement National has already terminated its cooperation with the AfD. RN party leader Jordan Bardella said on TF1: “I think that the AfD, with whom we have worked together in the European Parliament for five years, has crossed lines that are red lines for me.” After the election, the party will have new allies and will no longer sit alongside the AfD. dpa
Macron’s state visit: what function the Franco-German brigade could have
The Head of the Foreign and Security Policy Working Group in the Franco-German Parliamentary Assembly, Sandra Weeser (FDP), hopes that French President Emmanuel Macron’s state visit to Germany will lead to model initiatives for European defense cooperation. “The Franco-German brigade should be developed further. Perhaps it could also become a division,” Weeser told Table.Briefings.
At the end of Macron’s state visit, the German and French ministers of the two countries will meet in Meseberg on Tuesday. There will also be a separate meeting of the foreign and defense ministers. There, the ministers want to address the gaps in European air defense and send a strong signal to Ukraine, according to the Elysée.
Opportunity Weimar Triangle
Weeser is also pinning her hopes on the Weimar Triangle, which she sees as “an incredibly great opportunity” to “increase cooperation between the armed forces.” The Franco-German brigade could be a “model for the establishment of further multinational units and further military integration in Europe.”
On Wednesday, Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock and her Polish and French counterparts, Radosław Sikorski and Stéphane Séjourné, said in Weimar that the three partner nations should be the “driving force” behind a common European security policy. In the joint declaration, the three ministers call for the expansion of air defense, land combat systems and deep strike capabilities.
Scholz: Strengthening European deterrence
On Thursday, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz also backed French President Macron’s plans to strengthen European defense capabilities – including nuclear capabilities. “We need to discuss how to get the right mix of capabilities to defend Europe and deter any aggressor,” writes Scholz in an article published in English on Thursday for the Economist.
In addition to nuclear deterrence, it is about strong conventional armed forces, air and missile defense as well as cyber, space and precision strike capabilities. These areas aim to improve the European defense industry through investment. “We need to strengthen the European pillar of our deterrence.“
“To be clear: there will be no ‘EU nuclear weapons’,” wrote the SPD politician. This is “simply unrealistic.” There is also no intention to question the sovereignty of the French nuclear deterrent. “At the same time, I welcome the fact that the French President has emphasizedthe European dimension of the French ‘force de frappe’,” Scholz added, referring to France’s nuclear capabilities. bub/rtr
European Defense
Verteidigungspolitik
This is why member states want to take action against regional trade restrictions
The EU Commission imposed a fine of €337.5 million on the US snack manufacturer MondelēzInternational on Thursday. The company sells products such as Oreo and Toblerone. According to the Commission, the group had entered into anti-competitive agreements in 22 cases, which are prohibited in the EU.
For example, between 2012 and 2019, Mondelēz told its wholesale customers which EU countries they were allowed to sell to and which they were not. In one case, the US company even set the export prices. The Commission also accuses Mondelēz of abusing its dominant market position between 2015 and 2019. For example, it did not supply a German retailer with chocolate in order to prevent the retailer from selling the products in Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria and Romania, where the products are sold at a higher price.
Member States call for more effective action
The Commission has been working on this case since 2019, when it carried out unannounced inspections at Mondelēz in Austria, Belgium and Germany. A coalition of eight member states now wants the EU to takemore effective action against these trade restrictions. The Netherlands, Belgium, Croatia, the Czech Republic, Denmark, Greece, Luxembourg and Slovakia published a position paper on Thursday evening.
They argue that the trade restrictions lead to higher consumer prices and restrict product availability. A 2020 study by the EU Commission estimated the damage to consumers caused by such trade restrictions at €14billion.
The two levers of the states
With their position paper, the small and medium-sized member states want to put the issue on the agenda of the Competitiveness Council this Friday. They have two proposals on how the problem could be resolved:
Prohibition of unfair B2B business practices that discriminate against retailers based on their place of establishment, for example through a new EU instrument;
The EU Commission should investigate how producers use the language requirements for packaging to limit the sale of products to certain member states. With this in mind, the EU Commission should examine the option of digital labels more closely. jaa
EU-Binnenmarkt
New Space: How ESA and the EU want to commercialize space travel
The French-German space company Exploration Company and the French-Italian company ThalesAlenia Space have been awarded contracts for the development of cargo return services for low earth orbits (LEO).
The cargo vehicles are to deliver supplies to the International Space Station by 2030. This is remarkable in that it heralds a system change at the European Space AgencyESA. Until now, ESA has developed such projects itself and then placed orders with industry. Now it orders a service – and companies can apply for it.
The commercialization of spacetravel was one of the key topics at the 11th Space Council, where ministers from ESA member states, the ESA executive and EU ministers met in Brussels on Thursday to discuss Europe’s future in space travel. ESA members also include Norway, the UK and Switzerland, which are not EU members. ESA also has a Council of Ministers, which is currently chaired by Germany. At the same time, the EU ministers adopted a conclusion on strengthening Europe’s competitiveness through space.
Space travel should ensure competitiveness
“Space may seem far away for many people in Europe, but it is actually crucial for Europe’s competitiveness,” said Anna Christmann, the German government’s coordinator for aerospace. “The discussions today have shown how important space is for precisely this goal.” Space capabilities also influence the implementation of strategic measures in a variety of other areas, including climate protection and digital transformation. “These are crucial issues for Europe in the coming years.”
Germany in particular, but also other member states, emphasize that small and medium-sized enterprises and start-ups are also increasingly contributing to Europe’s innovation potential and competitiveness. Europe must promote diversification in space, said Christmann. The aim is to create an attractive environment to increase private investment in the European space industry, especially in start-ups and SMEs.
ESA picks up speed
“Because when it comes to budgets, private investment is the key,” said Christmann. Public budgets are nowhere near enough to cover the necessary investments. This is a global development. “New procurement approaches will create more room for entrepreneurial creativity on the one hand and responsibility on the other,” the coordinator expects. The role of the public sector as a customer of space-based services and data should therefore be consistently implemented in the future.
“The system change at ESA should not be underestimated,” emphasizes Matthias Wachter, BDI Department Head and Managing Director of the New Space Initiative. ESA is thus adopting the successful US system that NASA has already been using for 15 years. “This is absolutely the right thing to do and we very much welcome it. It means that ESA will be faster and will have to spend less money.” The prospect of long-term service contracts also makes the companies more attractive to private investors.
In fact, the contract award under ESA’s LEO cargo return service program only took six months. Christmann called this a milestone. “I think this is the pace we need to see more and more in Europe when it comes to competitiveness.”
Space Act will probably not be included in this mandate
However, the EU space law will not come any time soon. Belgian State Secretary Thomas Dermine said that this will no longer be presentedunder the Belgian Council Presidency and it is also unlikely that this will happen within the current mandate.
“It’s good that the EU space law is on hold for the time being,” said BDI expert Wachter. The EU has no formal competence in this area and such a law would inevitably cause friction in the EU’s relationship with ESA, he believes. Furthermore: “Europe is falling further and further behind the USA and China in the space sector and is now even in danger of being overtaken by India. The European response to this cannot be more regulation and the associated burden on companies.” vis
Weltraum
EuroHPC: How the EU wants to ensure more AI computing power
The Council has reached a political agreement on extending the objectives of the European High Performance Computing (EuroHPC) Joint Undertaking. A central element of the new regulation is the creation of “AI factories.” These will provide an infrastructure for supercomputing services to support the development of an AI ecosystem in the Union. The supercomputing capacities must be accessible to innovative European AI start-ups in order to train their models.
Nine supercomputers in the EU
The EuroHPC Joint Undertaking was founded in 2018 to ensure that Europe plays a leading role in the field of supercomputing. It has so far procured nine supercomputers across Europe.
The extension now proposed by the Commission aims to optimize the use of these powerful machines by tailoring them specifically to the needs of AI applications.
AI factories open up to SMEs and start-ups
In its agreement, the Council emphasizes that the AI factories should offer fair access opportunities to enable broad use by public and private actors. Small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) and start-ups in particular should benefit from the new regulations. A one-stop store is to facilitate access to the support services of the hosting facilities. In addition, the agreement provides for the Union to finance up to 50 percent of the acquisition and operating costs of the AI supercomputers.
The AI supercomputers will primarily be used for the development, testing and validation of large-scale AI models and applications. In addition, hosting facilities can take ownership of the supercomputers five years after their commissioning, provided they pass an acceptance test. vis
Column
What’s cooking in Brussels? How France wants to retain its influence
France seeks to secure influential positions in the upcoming legislature.
In the Brussels bubble, the political influence of member states is measured by the number of high-ranking officials, chiefs of staff or advisory positions within EU institutions. On the French side, Ambassador Philippe Léglise-Costa, a veteran at the helm, is in control. Since November 2017, he has been head of the Permanent Representation of France to the European Union – known in Brussels jargon as PermRep – and was appointed by François Hollande, Emmanuel Macron’s predecessor as President of the Élysée Palace.
Léglise-Costa oversees a team of 218 employees. The advisors of the PermRep are not only responsible for their areas of expertise, such as digital or climate issues but also for tracking open positions and identifying French candidates who are well-suited for these roles and should be particularly highlighted. Thus, the representation has an advisor for “French presence in the European institutions,” Natacha Paris-Ficarelli, responsible for this task. Colonel Gildas Boin, head of the “Human Resources & Influence” department, is her counterpart for positions under the Ministry of Defense.
French influence in the Commission
It is an informal tradition that in the European Commission, the Germans choose a French deputy chief of staff and vice versa. For example, Thierry Breton selected the German-Spaniard Lucía Caudet Balzer, former spokesperson for the Juncker Commission, upon his arrival. In President Ursula von der Leyen’s cabinet, the post went to the Frenchwoman Stéphanie Riso – who has not been replaced since she took over the Directorate-General for Budget in March 2023. However, the name of diplomat Alexandre Adam is being considered to become von der Leyen’s deputy chief of staff, provided she is re-elected as Commission President.
French influence in the European Commission is palpable. This might seem logical as the structure, organization and conditions for entry into the institutions (through the famous selection procedures) are modeled after the French institutional framework. Thus, Natasha Bertaud can be found alongside Greek Vice-President Margaritis Schinas (European way of life), Aliénor Margerit working with Italian Paolo Gentiloni (economy), Carole Mancel-Blanchard with Portuguese Elisa Ferreira (cohesion and reforms) and Eglantine Cujo with Lithuanian Virginijus Sinkevičius (environment, oceans and fisheries).
On the German side, notable figures include Michael Hager as head of cabinet for Valdis Dombrovskis, the Latvian Vice-President of the Commission and Markus Schulte, who heads the cabinet of Bulgarian Research Commissioner Iliana Ivanova
German influence in the European Parliament
There is, however, one institution where France struggles to secure high-ranking positions: the European Parliament. This is due to the culture of political compromise and negotiations between factions, explains a French parliamentary source. “Broadly speaking, the European Parliament represents the German political culture with its search for compromises and negotiations, whereas the European Commission represents the French political culture with its hierarchical structure,” our source continued.
Paris has learned this the hard way, particularly in the Committee on Industry, Research and Energy (ITRE). As our French colleagues from Contexte report, Paris admits to a strategic mistake in committee assignments. A Parisian source cited by our colleagues regrets that ECON (Economic and Monetary Affairs) and ITRE were not adequately staffed. Paris could not foresee the importance of the issues that would be addressed there. In both committees, German MEPs pull the strings, notably the respective EPP coordinators Markus Ferber and Christian Ehler.
Important committees ere neglected
It is worth recalling that the ITRE committee negotiated the Renewable Energy Directive, the reform of the electricity and gas markets, and the regulation on clean industry (NZIA). In short, these are dossiers of crucial importance for the European industrial sector – and the war in Ukraine has underscored their strategic significance.
But that is not all. A sign of how difficult it is for Paris to gain a foothold in the European Parliament is the fact that France lost the position of head of personnel. Despite Paris putting forward Valérie Montebello-Demogeot, Director of Resources in the Parliament’s Personnel Department, the position went to Ellen Robson, a British citizen with a German spouse, even post-Brexit. Her candidacy was supported by Deputy Secretary-General Markus Winkler, according to parliamentary corridors.
Economics and industry ministers are meeting in Brussels today for the second day of the Competitiveness Council. The discussion will revolve around the future of the internal market and European industrial policy.
In a sign of Franco-German unity, the ministries of Robert Habeck and Bruno Le Maire yesterday published a joint declaration on how the two countries intend to boost economic growth over the next five years. They estimate the additional investment required for the EU’s green and digital transformation at €745 billion.
Similar to the joint declaration with their Italian colleague Urso, Habeck and Le Maire are calling for more funding at the EU level. In addition to private funds, public aid should also contribute to boosting investment.
But unity between Habeck and Le Maire does not mean unity between Germany and France. While the BMWK and Bercy are celebrating their joint declaration, German and French diplomats are arguing behind the scenes in Brussels about the formulation of the conclusions of today’s Competitiveness Council.
France, for example, wants a commitment to the principle that imported products must meet the same standards as European products. Germany does not want to see these mirror clauses in the text. The text is to serve the new Commission as a basis for the new legislature. The German side does not want to create potential barriers to trade with such formulations.
There is further potential for conflict on a point that France has put on the agenda for today on short notice: the US tariffs on Chinese products. Germany and France are unlikely to agree today on how the EU should react. This leaves a lot for discussion at the Franco-German Council of Ministers next Tuesday and the EU Trade Council on Thursday.
Have a pleasant Friday!
Your János Allenbach-Ammann
Feature
Why the TV duel shows the limits of the top candidate principle
TV debates between politicians before elections are actually intended to highlight differences between the candidates. During the Eurovision debate on Thursday, however, the five leading candidates only exchanged verbal blows on how to deal with far-right parties. Otherwise, the differences remained rather pale – which was also because the party families of the national conservative ECR and the extreme right ID were not represented on stage in the European Parliament: They did not put forward lead candidates, which the organizing European Broadcast Union (EBU) had made a condition.
Social Democrats, Greens and the left attacked Commission President Ursula von der Leyen for her willingness to work with forces to the right of the EPP. “For me, the ECR and ID are not democratic forces,” said Social Democrat candidate Nicolas Schmit. In Italy, for example, the right-wing government wants to restrict women’s rights and media freedom. “We need clarity on certain issues, not ambiguity,” he said, addressing von der Leyen.
‘Meloni is clearly pro-European’
The CDU politician referred to the EPP’s three criteria for cooperation. In her view, Italy’s Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni is clearly pro-European and has clearly positioned herself against Russia’s President Putin. Von der Leyen emphasized that she did not want to work with the ECR as a whole: “I am not talking about groups, I am talking about parliamentarians who will belong to different groups.” The European Parliament would first have to reorganize itself after the elections from 6 to 9 June. However, she will certainly not cooperate with parties such as the Rassemblement National, the AfD or the Polish Konfederacja.
Liberal representative Sandro Gozi also had to listen to harsh criticism. Green candidate Terry Reintke called for a special meeting of the Renew Group before the election in order to exclude the Dutch member party VVD. This party had agreed on a government alliance with the right-wing extremist Islam opponent Geert Wilders. Gozi referred to the parliamentary group meeting scheduled immediately after the election, at which the exclusion of the VVD will be discussed.
Von der Leyen: New own funds for defense
Social Affairs Commissioner Schmit made only one additional direct attack on his previous boss von der Leyen: for the migration deal with Tunisia. In view of the latest reports that border guards there are abandoning refugees in the desert, he said: “That is not Europe.” Left-wing candidate Walter Baier emphasized that Europe must continue to be open to refugees: “The problem is not migration, the problem is the extreme right.” The other parties had adopted their narrative.
Gozi called on von der Leyen to take a clear stance on the demands for Eurobonds in order to provide a defense fund with sufficient resources. The EPP candidate was open to this: “It is absolutely crucial to look at how we finance defense,” she said with a view to the next legislative period. There are two options for this, namely higher contributions from the Member States or new own resources. It was now time to talk about new own resources. The EU states could not keep giving Brussels new tasks without clarifying financing: “Let us now work on new own resources at the European level to really finance our defense.”
Von der Leyen shows no weakness
Von der Leyen showed no weakness in the debate. She had taken a certain risk by being the first incumbent to be put forward as the lead candidate and thus having to justify her policies. She claimed that the election campaign she had run in eleven member states so far was “one of the best experiences of her life.”
However, her candidacy has not yet led to the European election campaign picking up speed. The TV debate is also unlikely to have reached a wider audience, although it was broadcast in all 27 member states, if only because of the afternoon time slot. In Germany, for example, the debate was only broadcast by the information channel Phoenix. In France, interest focused on the evening exchange of blows between Prime Minister Gabriel Attal and Jordan Bardella, leader of the Rassemblement National. The European elections will only make it into prime time when ZDF (on May 30) and ARD (on June 6) pit the leading German candidates against each other.
‘Not a piggy bank for the federal elections’
The circumstances also show the limits of the top candidate principle, an important element for supporters to make Europe more tangible for the citizens. Most party families have put forward candidates for the Commission presidency, the Greens two, the Liberals even three. The confusion between national and EU-wide candidates is causing further confusion among voters. “Because the EU is a complex construct, the top candidate principle also remains complicated,” says Thu Nguyen, Deputy Director of the Jacques Delors Center in Berlin.
In many countries, the candidates hardly get through, also because the parties only mobilize modest resources for the election campaign, at least compared to the national elections. Elmar Brok, a long-standing CDU European politician, notes a “tiredness, thriftiness and restraint on the part of the leading figures in the democratic parties – with gradual differences.” However, the European elections are “too important to serve as a piggy bank for the Bundestag elections.” With Claire Stam
All texts on the 2024 European elections can be found here.
Translation missing.
Where migration agreements make the EU vulnerable to blackmail
Lebanese Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah makes no secret of his plan: in mid-May, he called on the government in Beirut to invite Syrian refugees in thecountry to travel by boat to the nearby EU republic of Cyprus. “If we do that, the EU will not give us one billion, but 20 billion, and maybe 30,” he said. This would prompt the Europeans to “lift the embargo on Syria,” added the close ally of Syrian dictator Bashar al-Assad. Nasrallah thus indirectly highlighted a crucial weakness of the European migration agreements: they encourage the recipient countries to blackmail.
The declared “comprehensive and strategic partnership” with Lebanon has been preceded by several similar agreements since 2016. Their motto is “money for border protection.” The following list contains only EU agreements with third countries. Their long-term impact is unclear. What is clear, however, is that the EU buys thesometimes questionable services of other states for a lot of money.
These migration agreements already exist
Turkey 2016, around €9.5 billion: The deal in the EU’s most important migration agreement consisted of two parts. Firstly, Ankara undertook to take back irregular Syrian migrants. In return, the EU was to take on the same number of recognized refugees from Turkey. Secondly, Brussels guaranteed to provide €6 billion for the care of around 3.5 million Syrians in Turkey; around €3.5 billion were added after 2020. The first of the two agreements was insufficiently implemented, as only 2,140 Syrians were repatriated, and none since 2020. However, this is not a failure, says migration researcher Gerald Knaus from the European Stability Initiative think tank, the mental initiator of the agreement. “Such safe third-country agreements only work if they stop irregular migration with just a few returns. And that’s exactly what happened.” In conjunction with part two of the agreement. Since then, Turkey has effectively controlled the land and sea border with the EU. However, Brussels made itself vulnerable to blackmail. Knaus says the EU-Turkey deal is nevertheless a solitaire among the migration agreements. “The idea is to bring people to a safe third country based on European law, where the right to protection status is guaranteed. I believe there is no alternative if we want control that is not based on violence.” There are also agreements such as those with Libya, Tunisia or Lebanon, “where the states receive money and are told to do something to prevent people from leaving, if necessary by force. Whether the countries are safe is irrelevant.”
Libya 2017, at least €124 million: at the end of 2017, the Italian government signed an EU-funded agreement with the Libyan coastguard to patrol the Mediterranean. Further agreements followed. They include funding and material support for the Libyan coastguard, which intercepts migrants in boats. Tripoli also received financial support from Brussels and, above all, from Italy, which has pledged a total of €124 million by 2022 alone. Around €465 million have been made available from the EU Emergency Trust Fund for Africa for “migration-related services” since 2015. In the first five years alone, the coastguard intercepted more than 82,000 people. However, migration researcher Knaus speaks of a “morally, politically and humanitarian catastrophic situation”: “The EU is supporting Libyan institutions to return people to a situation where they are mistreated, put in camps, exploited and enslaved. This is intolerable.”
Ethiopia only took back ten percent
Ethiopia 2017, €250 million: In December 2017, the EU concluded a migration agreement with Ethiopia worth €250 million. In addition to economic aid, the agreement provided for the readmission of Ethiopians. As the East African country nevertheless only took back around ten percent of its citizens, the EU announced stricter visa regulations for Ethiopians in April 2024. The East African country is home to almost one million refugees and around 3.5 million internally displaced persons.
Tunisia 2023, €1billion (declaration of intent): In July 2023, the EU, Italy and Tunisia signed a declaration of intent against irregular migration and for economic stabilization. In return for financial aid totaling €1 billion euros from the EU and the International Monetary Fund, including €105 million to stem irregular migration, the Maghreb state was supposed to stop the boats heading for Italy and take back migrants from the EU. However, President Kais Saied was disgruntled by European criticism of the deadly practice of abandoning migrants in the desert. He massively increased the number of departures – to almost 150,000 last year – and transferred the first contract installment of €60 million back to Brussels. The pressure worked: at the beginning of March, the EU made €150 million available as a direct transfer of funds. The number of arrivals in Italy has fallen this year. However, he is “deeply skeptical” as to whether the agreement can work, says migration expert Knaus. It reminds him of the €500 million agreement between London and Paris to stop migrant boats. “In the first four months of this year, more people have come from France to the UK than ever before. Stopping them will not work in France and probably not in Tunisia or Lebanon either.”
Morocco demands recognition of the Western Sahara
Morocco 2023, €125 million (declaration of intent): Until now, the cooperation between Brussels and Rabat has been rather informal; now €125 million is to officially flow into a migration program. Like Spain, the main destination for irregular migrants from Morocco, Brussels has also repeatedly paid large sums as economic aid and for the fight against smugglers. In return, Rabat is increasingly preventing migrants from reaching the Spanish enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla as well as the Canary Islands. Around 87,000 irregular migrants were intercepted in 2023, a significant increase. However, Morocco’s King Mohammed VI is demanding a political price for his cooperation: recognition of the disputed territory of Western Sahara as Moroccan territory.
Mauritania 2024, worth €210 million: The migration pact with the North African desert state of Mauritania, which was adopted by the European Parliament in April, aims to stop irregular migrants before they reach the Canary Islands. The country is also to receive economic aid and support in taking in refugees and securing the border with the civil war country of Mali. 150,000 Malian refugees are living in Mauritania. From January to mid-March, 12,393 migrants reached the Spanish archipelago via the dangerous Atlantic route, compared to just 2,178 people in the same period last year.
Further agreements are planned
Egypt 2024, volume €7.4 billion (letter of intent): €7.4 billion is to flow to Egypt over the next four years. “This is primarily macro-financial aid for a country that is on the brink of the abyss in terms of its financial policy,” says Knaus. €5 billion will flow directly into the Egyptian treasury as loans, plus €1.8 billion in loans to promote the economy and €600 million in non-repayable grants, of which only €200 million will be used to combat smugglers and secure the border. Egypt, which has taken in at least six million intra-African refugees, is seen in Brussels as a “strategic partner” for curbing irregular migration in the Mediterranean, despite its catastrophic human rights record. This is because Cairo has spent large sums of money since 2015 to rigorously prevent migrants from leaving its shores.
Lebanon 2024, worth €1billion (declaration of intent): The promised EU money is intended to contribute to the stability of the Lebanese crisis state and restrict irregular migration, especially of Syrian refugees to Cyprus. The agreement primarily concerns the approximately 1.5 million Syrians in Lebanon, who have fled war, terror and poverty in their home country to the neighboring country, but mostly live there in precarious conditions. In addition to corruption, one problem is Hezbollah, which is involved in the government. No one can rule out the possibility that the terrorist organization will use EU money to buy missiles that are then aimed at Tel Aviv.
Asylpolitik
Translation missing.
EU-Monitoring
May 27-28, 2024 Council of the EU: Foreign Affairs Topics: Exchange of views on Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, Exchange of views on the situation in the Middle East, Exchange of views on EU support for Ukraine, Exchange of views on defense preparedness.Provisional agenda
May 27, 2024, 10 a.m. Council of the EU: Agriculture and Fisheries Topics: Exchange of ideas on the crisis situation in the agricultural sector, exchange of ideas on the market situation (especially after the invasion of Ukraine). Provisional agenda
May 28, 2024 Council of the European Economic Area Topics: The representatives of the governments of the member states meet for consultations.Info
May 29, 2024 Weekly commission meeting Topics: Discussion on EU preparedness and crisis response.Provisional agenda
May 30, 2024, 9:30 a.m. Council of the EU: Foreign Affairs (Trade) Topics: Policy debate on trade and competitiveness (future of EU trade policy ), state of play on trade and investment relations between the EU and Africa. Provisional agenda
May 230, 2024, 10 a.m. Council of the EU: Transport, Telecommunications and Energy (Energy) Topics: Approval of the conclusions on the development of sustainable electricity grids, exchange of views on RePowerEU communication, exchange of views on the European Green Deal.Provisional agenda
Translation missing.
News
All AfD MEPs excluded from the ID Group
All AfD MEPs have been expelled from the right-wing ID Group in the European Parliament. The corresponding motion by group leader Marco Zanni has received the necessary support.
Zanni had requested the exclusion of all AfD MEPs this Thursday. This was first reported by Deutsche Presse-Agentur, which received a document that was sent to top representatives of all ID member parties represented in Parliament.
The text of the motion states that in view of “the series of incidents in which Mr. Maximilian Krah and thus also the German delegation of the group were involved and in view of the fact that these incidents have damaged the cohesion and reputation of the group,” it should be decided to terminate the membership of the members of the German delegation with immediate effect. The names of all nine AfD MEPsarelisted.
The background to ID Group leader Zanni’s motion is the current criticism of behavior within the AfD. OnWednesday, the party leadership banned its own top candidate, Krah, from making an appearance. The specific reason for this was Krah’s controversial comments on the SS. The 47-year-old Saxon is also under pressure due to the espionage affair surrounding an employee and his closeness to Russia and China. The number two on the AfD’s European list, Petr Bystron, will also nolonger be campaigning for the time being following investigations into corruption.
The exclusion of the AfD MEPs is symbolic for the time being, as Parliament will not meet again until after the European elections in two weeks’ time. The political groups will then also be reassembled.
Marine Le Pen’s French Rassemblement National has already terminated its cooperation with the AfD. RN party leader Jordan Bardella said on TF1: “I think that the AfD, with whom we have worked together in the European Parliament for five years, has crossed lines that are red lines for me.” After the election, the party will have new allies and will no longer sit alongside the AfD. dpa
Macron’s state visit: what function the Franco-German brigade could have
The Head of the Foreign and Security Policy Working Group in the Franco-German Parliamentary Assembly, Sandra Weeser (FDP), hopes that French President Emmanuel Macron’s state visit to Germany will lead to model initiatives for European defense cooperation. “The Franco-German brigade should be developed further. Perhaps it could also become a division,” Weeser told Table.Briefings.
At the end of Macron’s state visit, the German and French ministers of the two countries will meet in Meseberg on Tuesday. There will also be a separate meeting of the foreign and defense ministers. There, the ministers want to address the gaps in European air defense and send a strong signal to Ukraine, according to the Elysée.
Opportunity Weimar Triangle
Weeser is also pinning her hopes on the Weimar Triangle, which she sees as “an incredibly great opportunity” to “increase cooperation between the armed forces.” The Franco-German brigade could be a “model for the establishment of further multinational units and further military integration in Europe.”
On Wednesday, Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock and her Polish and French counterparts, Radosław Sikorski and Stéphane Séjourné, said in Weimar that the three partner nations should be the “driving force” behind a common European security policy. In the joint declaration, the three ministers call for the expansion of air defense, land combat systems and deep strike capabilities.
Scholz: Strengthening European deterrence
On Thursday, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz also backed French President Macron’s plans to strengthen European defense capabilities – including nuclear capabilities. “We need to discuss how to get the right mix of capabilities to defend Europe and deter any aggressor,” writes Scholz in an article published in English on Thursday for the Economist.
In addition to nuclear deterrence, it is about strong conventional armed forces, air and missile defense as well as cyber, space and precision strike capabilities. These areas aim to improve the European defense industry through investment. “We need to strengthen the European pillar of our deterrence.“
“To be clear: there will be no ‘EU nuclear weapons’,” wrote the SPD politician. This is “simply unrealistic.” There is also no intention to question the sovereignty of the French nuclear deterrent. “At the same time, I welcome the fact that the French President has emphasizedthe European dimension of the French ‘force de frappe’,” Scholz added, referring to France’s nuclear capabilities. bub/rtr
European Defense
Verteidigungspolitik
This is why member states want to take action against regional trade restrictions
The EU Commission imposed a fine of €337.5 million on the US snack manufacturer MondelēzInternational on Thursday. The company sells products such as Oreo and Toblerone. According to the Commission, the group had entered into anti-competitive agreements in 22 cases, which are prohibited in the EU.
For example, between 2012 and 2019, Mondelēz told its wholesale customers which EU countries they were allowed to sell to and which they were not. In one case, the US company even set the export prices. The Commission also accuses Mondelēz of abusing its dominant market position between 2015 and 2019. For example, it did not supply a German retailer with chocolate in order to prevent the retailer from selling the products in Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria and Romania, where the products are sold at a higher price.
Member States call for more effective action
The Commission has been working on this case since 2019, when it carried out unannounced inspections at Mondelēz in Austria, Belgium and Germany. A coalition of eight member states now wants the EU to takemore effective action against these trade restrictions. The Netherlands, Belgium, Croatia, the Czech Republic, Denmark, Greece, Luxembourg and Slovakia published a position paper on Thursday evening.
They argue that the trade restrictions lead to higher consumer prices and restrict product availability. A 2020 study by the EU Commission estimated the damage to consumers caused by such trade restrictions at €14billion.
The two levers of the states
With their position paper, the small and medium-sized member states want to put the issue on the agenda of the Competitiveness Council this Friday. They have two proposals on how the problem could be resolved:
Prohibition of unfair B2B business practices that discriminate against retailers based on their place of establishment, for example through a new EU instrument;
The EU Commission should investigate how producers use the language requirements for packaging to limit the sale of products to certain member states. With this in mind, the EU Commission should examine the option of digital labels more closely. jaa
EU-Binnenmarkt
New Space: How ESA and the EU want to commercialize space travel
The French-German space company Exploration Company and the French-Italian company ThalesAlenia Space have been awarded contracts for the development of cargo return services for low earth orbits (LEO).
The cargo vehicles are to deliver supplies to the International Space Station by 2030. This is remarkable in that it heralds a system change at the European Space AgencyESA. Until now, ESA has developed such projects itself and then placed orders with industry. Now it orders a service – and companies can apply for it.
The commercialization of spacetravel was one of the key topics at the 11th Space Council, where ministers from ESA member states, the ESA executive and EU ministers met in Brussels on Thursday to discuss Europe’s future in space travel. ESA members also include Norway, the UK and Switzerland, which are not EU members. ESA also has a Council of Ministers, which is currently chaired by Germany. At the same time, the EU ministers adopted a conclusion on strengthening Europe’s competitiveness through space.
Space travel should ensure competitiveness
“Space may seem far away for many people in Europe, but it is actually crucial for Europe’s competitiveness,” said Anna Christmann, the German government’s coordinator for aerospace. “The discussions today have shown how important space is for precisely this goal.” Space capabilities also influence the implementation of strategic measures in a variety of other areas, including climate protection and digital transformation. “These are crucial issues for Europe in the coming years.”
Germany in particular, but also other member states, emphasize that small and medium-sized enterprises and start-ups are also increasingly contributing to Europe’s innovation potential and competitiveness. Europe must promote diversification in space, said Christmann. The aim is to create an attractive environment to increase private investment in the European space industry, especially in start-ups and SMEs.
ESA picks up speed
“Because when it comes to budgets, private investment is the key,” said Christmann. Public budgets are nowhere near enough to cover the necessary investments. This is a global development. “New procurement approaches will create more room for entrepreneurial creativity on the one hand and responsibility on the other,” the coordinator expects. The role of the public sector as a customer of space-based services and data should therefore be consistently implemented in the future.
“The system change at ESA should not be underestimated,” emphasizes Matthias Wachter, BDI Department Head and Managing Director of the New Space Initiative. ESA is thus adopting the successful US system that NASA has already been using for 15 years. “This is absolutely the right thing to do and we very much welcome it. It means that ESA will be faster and will have to spend less money.” The prospect of long-term service contracts also makes the companies more attractive to private investors.
In fact, the contract award under ESA’s LEO cargo return service program only took six months. Christmann called this a milestone. “I think this is the pace we need to see more and more in Europe when it comes to competitiveness.”
Space Act will probably not be included in this mandate
However, the EU space law will not come any time soon. Belgian State Secretary Thomas Dermine said that this will no longer be presentedunder the Belgian Council Presidency and it is also unlikely that this will happen within the current mandate.
“It’s good that the EU space law is on hold for the time being,” said BDI expert Wachter. The EU has no formal competence in this area and such a law would inevitably cause friction in the EU’s relationship with ESA, he believes. Furthermore: “Europe is falling further and further behind the USA and China in the space sector and is now even in danger of being overtaken by India. The European response to this cannot be more regulation and the associated burden on companies.” vis
Weltraum
EuroHPC: How the EU wants to ensure more AI computing power
The Council has reached a political agreement on extending the objectives of the European High Performance Computing (EuroHPC) Joint Undertaking. A central element of the new regulation is the creation of “AI factories.” These will provide an infrastructure for supercomputing services to support the development of an AI ecosystem in the Union. The supercomputing capacities must be accessible to innovative European AI start-ups in order to train their models.
Nine supercomputers in the EU
The EuroHPC Joint Undertaking was founded in 2018 to ensure that Europe plays a leading role in the field of supercomputing. It has so far procured nine supercomputers across Europe.
The extension now proposed by the Commission aims to optimize the use of these powerful machines by tailoring them specifically to the needs of AI applications.
AI factories open up to SMEs and start-ups
In its agreement, the Council emphasizes that the AI factories should offer fair access opportunities to enable broad use by public and private actors. Small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) and start-ups in particular should benefit from the new regulations. A one-stop store is to facilitate access to the support services of the hosting facilities. In addition, the agreement provides for the Union to finance up to 50 percent of the acquisition and operating costs of the AI supercomputers.
The AI supercomputers will primarily be used for the development, testing and validation of large-scale AI models and applications. In addition, hosting facilities can take ownership of the supercomputers five years after their commissioning, provided they pass an acceptance test. vis
Column
What’s cooking in Brussels? How France wants to retain its influence
France seeks to secure influential positions in the upcoming legislature.
In the Brussels bubble, the political influence of member states is measured by the number of high-ranking officials, chiefs of staff or advisory positions within EU institutions. On the French side, Ambassador Philippe Léglise-Costa, a veteran at the helm, is in control. Since November 2017, he has been head of the Permanent Representation of France to the European Union – known in Brussels jargon as PermRep – and was appointed by François Hollande, Emmanuel Macron’s predecessor as President of the Élysée Palace.
Léglise-Costa oversees a team of 218 employees. The advisors of the PermRep are not only responsible for their areas of expertise, such as digital or climate issues but also for tracking open positions and identifying French candidates who are well-suited for these roles and should be particularly highlighted. Thus, the representation has an advisor for “French presence in the European institutions,” Natacha Paris-Ficarelli, responsible for this task. Colonel Gildas Boin, head of the “Human Resources & Influence” department, is her counterpart for positions under the Ministry of Defense.
French influence in the Commission
It is an informal tradition that in the European Commission, the Germans choose a French deputy chief of staff and vice versa. For example, Thierry Breton selected the German-Spaniard Lucía Caudet Balzer, former spokesperson for the Juncker Commission, upon his arrival. In President Ursula von der Leyen’s cabinet, the post went to the Frenchwoman Stéphanie Riso – who has not been replaced since she took over the Directorate-General for Budget in March 2023. However, the name of diplomat Alexandre Adam is being considered to become von der Leyen’s deputy chief of staff, provided she is re-elected as Commission President.
French influence in the European Commission is palpable. This might seem logical as the structure, organization and conditions for entry into the institutions (through the famous selection procedures) are modeled after the French institutional framework. Thus, Natasha Bertaud can be found alongside Greek Vice-President Margaritis Schinas (European way of life), Aliénor Margerit working with Italian Paolo Gentiloni (economy), Carole Mancel-Blanchard with Portuguese Elisa Ferreira (cohesion and reforms) and Eglantine Cujo with Lithuanian Virginijus Sinkevičius (environment, oceans and fisheries).
On the German side, notable figures include Michael Hager as head of cabinet for Valdis Dombrovskis, the Latvian Vice-President of the Commission and Markus Schulte, who heads the cabinet of Bulgarian Research Commissioner Iliana Ivanova
German influence in the European Parliament
There is, however, one institution where France struggles to secure high-ranking positions: the European Parliament. This is due to the culture of political compromise and negotiations between factions, explains a French parliamentary source. “Broadly speaking, the European Parliament represents the German political culture with its search for compromises and negotiations, whereas the European Commission represents the French political culture with its hierarchical structure,” our source continued.
Paris has learned this the hard way, particularly in the Committee on Industry, Research and Energy (ITRE). As our French colleagues from Contexte report, Paris admits to a strategic mistake in committee assignments. A Parisian source cited by our colleagues regrets that ECON (Economic and Monetary Affairs) and ITRE were not adequately staffed. Paris could not foresee the importance of the issues that would be addressed there. In both committees, German MEPs pull the strings, notably the respective EPP coordinators Markus Ferber and Christian Ehler.
Important committees ere neglected
It is worth recalling that the ITRE committee negotiated the Renewable Energy Directive, the reform of the electricity and gas markets, and the regulation on clean industry (NZIA). In short, these are dossiers of crucial importance for the European industrial sector – and the war in Ukraine has underscored their strategic significance.
But that is not all. A sign of how difficult it is for Paris to gain a foothold in the European Parliament is the fact that France lost the position of head of personnel. Despite Paris putting forward Valérie Montebello-Demogeot, Director of Resources in the Parliament’s Personnel Department, the position went to Ellen Robson, a British citizen with a German spouse, even post-Brexit. Her candidacy was supported by Deputy Secretary-General Markus Winkler, according to parliamentary corridors.
