Who are the 100 key figures on the German-speaking EU scene? The editors of Europe.Table have selected them – in the categories of politics, administration, business, consulting, think tanks, associations, science, foundations, NGOs and society.
Our “Top of the Table” includes the familiar faces from the front row who are in the spotlight. But some people operate in the second row of power and should be looked into in order to understand the connections in the background.
Today we start with the Administration category, which includes Ursula von der Leyen’s head of cabinet Björn Seibert, who is currently on leave to manage his boss’s election campaign.
The heads from the other categories will be added over the next few weeks. This will gradually result in a network of key personalities in the German-speaking EU scene. Perhaps you are among the “Top of the Table,” too. Here is the link to the list.
The European Court of Auditors considers the year 2026 to be crucial for the decarbonization of passenger cars in the EU. Annemie Turtelboom, Member of the Court of Auditors for Belgium, said with regard to the adopted carbon fleet regulation: “In two years, that means 2026, the EU Commission will reassess the situation as part of the review clause.”
The EU regulation provides for the end of combustion technology in 2035. “If necessary, the Commission can then adjust the schedule for the ban on the sale of new petrol and diesel cars.” The Commission will then decide whether the target of 13 million battery electric vehicles set for 2025 has been achieved. “The Commission will not only have to review the effectiveness and consequences of carbon regulation, but also technological developments and the economic viability of batteries,” Turtelboom continued. “This means that 2026 will be the decisive year.”
Turtelboom and Nikolaos Milionis, the member from Greece, gave a sober assessment of the progress in moving away from the combustion engine. Milionis asked whether EU regulation had so far contributed to reducing actual emissions from transport as part of the Green Deal. “The answer, I’m afraid, is a resounding no,” said Milionis. Conventional cars with combustion technology still accounted for three-quarters of new registrations and caused roughly the same amount of carbon emissions as twelve years ago. At best, emissions have fallen if they are measured in the laboratory. The difference between laboratory results and actual emissions is 24 percent for petrol cars, 18 percent for diesel and 250 percent for plug-in hybrids.
Alternative fuels are not a solution. Biofuels do not offer a “credible and reliable” alternative to conventional fuels. There are not enough guarantees that they protect the environment. Furthermore, they are not available at low cost. She did not address synthetic fuels (e-fuels). “As I see it, battery-powered cars are the only solution to decarbonize the car fleet.”
Turtelboom added: “The end of the combustion engine in 2035 means that significantly more battery electric vehicles must be sold in a decade.” But the 27 member states are still struggling to increase the speed of the market ramp-up of electric vehicles. In Germany, for example, sales of electric vehicles are declining, while in Belgium and France they are increasing. The road ahead of the Europeans is paved with potholes. “The EU is facing a dilemma: how can the EU meet the climate targets from the Green Deal without ruining industrial policy and increasing costs for consumers immeasurably?”
The Europeans are lagging in battery production. “China dominates the market with more than three-quarters of global production capacity,” Turtelboom continued. Europe’s Achilles’ heel is the raw materials needed to build batteries: Lithium, manganese, cobalt and natural graphite. She added: “Europe’s ability to produce batteries is highly endangered.” Consumers in the EU need affordable electric vehicles. To achieve this, Turtelboom continued, prices would have to be halved. “Public subsidies also do not appear to be a viable policy instrument for achieving mass adoption of electric vehicles.”
The bottom line, according to the two members of the Court of Auditors: “For more parts of the population, electric vehicles are simply unaffordable.” In many EU countries, the charging infrastructure is also unsatisfactory. “Although the EU recently reached half of its target of one million charging points by 2025, the geographical distribution is very uneven.”
The DSA applies throughout Europe – and has been since February 17. While the national monitoring of the Digital Services Act (DSA) has long been completed in other European countries and the national Digital Services Coordinators have already started their work, Germany has once again taken a little longer. This Friday, however, the Digital Services Act (DSA) is now set to pass through the Bundesrat after a long process in the cabinet and relatively short deliberation in the Bundestag. This would clear the way for it to be signed by the Federal President and promulgated in the Federal Law Gazette – the DDG would come into force the day after.
Now that the disputes over the allocation of powers between federal and state authorities in their respective areas of responsibility have been resolved, the Bundesrat is not expected to raise any objections. This means that the Federal Network Agency in particular will assume a prominent position: This is where the Digital Services Coordinator will be based – in a special structure at the BNetzA due to particularly high demands on its independence.
This is where all the threads will come together, users will be able to complain centrally about possible DSA violations and all relevant registrations for some parts of DSA implementation will be created. This concerns three areas in particular: The certification of out-of-court dispute resolution bodies, the authorization of researchers who want to be entitled to privileged access to providers’ data, and the so-called trusted flaggers. The Federal Network Agency has already carried out preliminary work for all three tasks: Once they come into force, interested parties should be able to register with the Federal Network Agency and apply for the relevant status. However, the BNetzA is not yet allowed to go any further due to a lack of legislation.
This is another reason why the specific procedures are currently still rather unclear. And therefore also the exact obligations this entails for trusted flaggers, for example. Trusted flaggers are to be given a special status “in their area of expertise”: If they report content as potentially illegal, the platforms must respond to these tips particularly quickly. However, in order to qualify as a trusted flagger, many requirements must be met – it is unclear how many organizations in Germany are willing and able to receive this status.
It is highly likely that the Central Reporting Office for Internet Crime (ZMI) at the Federal Criminal Police Office will receive this status, and possibly also Jugendschutz.net or the complaints office of the Internet industry, which already reports a wide range of problematic content to operators. However, it is unclear whether trusted flaggers will also come from civil society, i.e. organizations such as HateAid, an organization that specifically helps those affected by incidents of digital violence. In particular, the bureaucratic obligations that the DSA provides for trusted flaggers in Article 22 are still causing headaches for some potential volunteer organizations. According to HateAid, it is primarily a question of support from the Federal Network Agency and the providers, for example in terms of reporting tools.
Access to data from the largest providers for researchers is also already relatively comprehensively regulated by the DSA text. However, the criteria for approval as a researcher who can access data from VLOPs and VLOSE are complicated. Above all, however, they require a great deal of information and legally refined descriptions of intentions from those wishing to conduct research. For example, the data must be “necessary and proportionate” for the purposes of the research work. It may also only and exclusively be used for the “detection, identification and understanding of systemic risks” at the largest providers. Otherwise, digital services coordinators, platforms and search engine operators must deny access to the data. However, many a research project is likely to take less time than a clarifying dispute in court.
Both functions would actually be important for the upcoming European elections. However, it remains to be seen whether a researcher will be granted access by then or whether an organization can even begin its activities as a trusted flagger.
Björn Seibert
Ursula von der Leyen’s most important confidant (see photo). As head of the EU Commission President’s cabinet, the 43-year-old kept the many threads in the Commission together with an enormous workload; he is now managing the EPP lead candidate’s campaign until the European elections. He is particularly interested in geopolitics.
Undine Ruge
Olaf Scholz’s European advisor prepares the European Councils for the Federal Chancellor and represents the Chancellery in the round of state secretaries in which the traffic light coalition discusses contentious EU issues. She is just as secretive as her predecessor Uwe Corsepius, whose deputy she was during Angela Merkel’s time.
Michael Clauß
The diplomat has been head of the German Permanent Representation in Brussels for almost six years. The 62-year-old is also respected across party lines in Berlin for his expertise. As EU ambassador, he represents Germany’s positions in the Council – which is not always an easy task given the differences in the traffic light coalition.
Sven Giegold
As State Secretary, the Green politician coordinates European policy in the office of Economics Minister Robert Habeck. The long-serving MEP thus sits in a central position, as the BMWK coordinates which instructions are sent to the Permanent Representation in Brussels on many issues. Giegold also sits at the table when controversial dossiers are discussed in the departmental circle.
Michael Hager
He is probably the most influential German official in the EU Commission. Hager is the Head of Cabinet of Commission Vice-President Valdis Dombrovskis, whose responsibilities include trade agreements and economic policy. He is also the point of contact when Germans with a CDU/CSU background apply for posts in the EU institutions.
Sabine Weyand
As Director-General for Trade in one of the most influential positions in the EU Commission: trade policy is a core EU competence and the responsible Vice-President Valdis Dombrovskis gives his top official plenty of legroom. Weyand is fighting to convince even the skeptics in the Council of the trade agreements – above all the government in Paris.
Mechthild Wörsdörfer
The Deputy Director-General for Energy was a key manager of the European energy crisis following Russia’s attack on Ukraine. “We are now dealing with crisis issues 80 percent of the time,” she said at the time. However, she also represented the Commission in the regular trilogues on the energy laws from the Green Deal.
Renate Nicolay
The Digital Services and Digital Markets Act made the Directorate-General for Communications Networks, Content and Technology (Connect) an important counterpart to Amazon, Google, Meta and other big tech companies. As Deputy Director General, one of Nicolay’s tasks is now to oversee the platforms.
Ben Brake
After ten years at IBM, Brake took over as Head of the Digital and Data Policy Department at the BMDV in 2022. He was particularly involved in the negotiations on the G7 Hiroshima Process for Artificial Intelligence and the EU’s AI Act. You can read about what he is up to on his X-channel, where he goes by @datenbrake.
Christian Mangold
The German EU official is the Director-General for Internal Policies at the European Parliament and thus holds one of the most influential positions in the administration of the European Parliament. He is probably the most important point of contact for the chairs of the parliamentary committees in which legislative work is carried out. With his staff, he prepares reforms to the work processes in the European Parliament.
Who are the 100 key figures on the German-speaking EU scene? The editors of Europe.Table have selected them – in the categories of politics, administration, business, consulting, think tanks, associations, science, foundations, NGOs and society.
Our “Top of the Table” includes the familiar faces from the front row who are in the spotlight. But some people operate in the second row of power and should be looked into in order to understand the connections in the background.
Today we start with the Administration category, which includes Ursula von der Leyen’s head of cabinet Björn Seibert, who is currently on leave to manage his boss’s election campaign.
The heads from the other categories will be added over the next few weeks. This will gradually result in a network of key personalities in the German-speaking EU scene. Perhaps you are among the “Top of the Table,” too. Here is the link to the list.
The European Court of Auditors considers the year 2026 to be crucial for the decarbonization of passenger cars in the EU. Annemie Turtelboom, Member of the Court of Auditors for Belgium, said with regard to the adopted carbon fleet regulation: “In two years, that means 2026, the EU Commission will reassess the situation as part of the review clause.”
The EU regulation provides for the end of combustion technology in 2035. “If necessary, the Commission can then adjust the schedule for the ban on the sale of new petrol and diesel cars.” The Commission will then decide whether the target of 13 million battery electric vehicles set for 2025 has been achieved. “The Commission will not only have to review the effectiveness and consequences of carbon regulation, but also technological developments and the economic viability of batteries,” Turtelboom continued. “This means that 2026 will be the decisive year.”
Turtelboom and Nikolaos Milionis, the member from Greece, gave a sober assessment of the progress in moving away from the combustion engine. Milionis asked whether EU regulation had so far contributed to reducing actual emissions from transport as part of the Green Deal. “The answer, I’m afraid, is a resounding no,” said Milionis. Conventional cars with combustion technology still accounted for three-quarters of new registrations and caused roughly the same amount of carbon emissions as twelve years ago. At best, emissions have fallen if they are measured in the laboratory. The difference between laboratory results and actual emissions is 24 percent for petrol cars, 18 percent for diesel and 250 percent for plug-in hybrids.
Alternative fuels are not a solution. Biofuels do not offer a “credible and reliable” alternative to conventional fuels. There are not enough guarantees that they protect the environment. Furthermore, they are not available at low cost. She did not address synthetic fuels (e-fuels). “As I see it, battery-powered cars are the only solution to decarbonize the car fleet.”
Turtelboom added: “The end of the combustion engine in 2035 means that significantly more battery electric vehicles must be sold in a decade.” But the 27 member states are still struggling to increase the speed of the market ramp-up of electric vehicles. In Germany, for example, sales of electric vehicles are declining, while in Belgium and France they are increasing. The road ahead of the Europeans is paved with potholes. “The EU is facing a dilemma: how can the EU meet the climate targets from the Green Deal without ruining industrial policy and increasing costs for consumers immeasurably?”
The Europeans are lagging in battery production. “China dominates the market with more than three-quarters of global production capacity,” Turtelboom continued. Europe’s Achilles’ heel is the raw materials needed to build batteries: Lithium, manganese, cobalt and natural graphite. She added: “Europe’s ability to produce batteries is highly endangered.” Consumers in the EU need affordable electric vehicles. To achieve this, Turtelboom continued, prices would have to be halved. “Public subsidies also do not appear to be a viable policy instrument for achieving mass adoption of electric vehicles.”
The bottom line, according to the two members of the Court of Auditors: “For more parts of the population, electric vehicles are simply unaffordable.” In many EU countries, the charging infrastructure is also unsatisfactory. “Although the EU recently reached half of its target of one million charging points by 2025, the geographical distribution is very uneven.”
The DSA applies throughout Europe – and has been since February 17. While the national monitoring of the Digital Services Act (DSA) has long been completed in other European countries and the national Digital Services Coordinators have already started their work, Germany has once again taken a little longer. This Friday, however, the Digital Services Act (DSA) is now set to pass through the Bundesrat after a long process in the cabinet and relatively short deliberation in the Bundestag. This would clear the way for it to be signed by the Federal President and promulgated in the Federal Law Gazette – the DDG would come into force the day after.
Now that the disputes over the allocation of powers between federal and state authorities in their respective areas of responsibility have been resolved, the Bundesrat is not expected to raise any objections. This means that the Federal Network Agency in particular will assume a prominent position: This is where the Digital Services Coordinator will be based – in a special structure at the BNetzA due to particularly high demands on its independence.
This is where all the threads will come together, users will be able to complain centrally about possible DSA violations and all relevant registrations for some parts of DSA implementation will be created. This concerns three areas in particular: The certification of out-of-court dispute resolution bodies, the authorization of researchers who want to be entitled to privileged access to providers’ data, and the so-called trusted flaggers. The Federal Network Agency has already carried out preliminary work for all three tasks: Once they come into force, interested parties should be able to register with the Federal Network Agency and apply for the relevant status. However, the BNetzA is not yet allowed to go any further due to a lack of legislation.
This is another reason why the specific procedures are currently still rather unclear. And therefore also the exact obligations this entails for trusted flaggers, for example. Trusted flaggers are to be given a special status “in their area of expertise”: If they report content as potentially illegal, the platforms must respond to these tips particularly quickly. However, in order to qualify as a trusted flagger, many requirements must be met – it is unclear how many organizations in Germany are willing and able to receive this status.
It is highly likely that the Central Reporting Office for Internet Crime (ZMI) at the Federal Criminal Police Office will receive this status, and possibly also Jugendschutz.net or the complaints office of the Internet industry, which already reports a wide range of problematic content to operators. However, it is unclear whether trusted flaggers will also come from civil society, i.e. organizations such as HateAid, an organization that specifically helps those affected by incidents of digital violence. In particular, the bureaucratic obligations that the DSA provides for trusted flaggers in Article 22 are still causing headaches for some potential volunteer organizations. According to HateAid, it is primarily a question of support from the Federal Network Agency and the providers, for example in terms of reporting tools.
Access to data from the largest providers for researchers is also already relatively comprehensively regulated by the DSA text. However, the criteria for approval as a researcher who can access data from VLOPs and VLOSE are complicated. Above all, however, they require a great deal of information and legally refined descriptions of intentions from those wishing to conduct research. For example, the data must be “necessary and proportionate” for the purposes of the research work. It may also only and exclusively be used for the “detection, identification and understanding of systemic risks” at the largest providers. Otherwise, digital services coordinators, platforms and search engine operators must deny access to the data. However, many a research project is likely to take less time than a clarifying dispute in court.
Both functions would actually be important for the upcoming European elections. However, it remains to be seen whether a researcher will be granted access by then or whether an organization can even begin its activities as a trusted flagger.
Björn Seibert
Ursula von der Leyen’s most important confidant (see photo). As head of the EU Commission President’s cabinet, the 43-year-old kept the many threads in the Commission together with an enormous workload; he is now managing the EPP lead candidate’s campaign until the European elections. He is particularly interested in geopolitics.
Undine Ruge
Olaf Scholz’s European advisor prepares the European Councils for the Federal Chancellor and represents the Chancellery in the round of state secretaries in which the traffic light coalition discusses contentious EU issues. She is just as secretive as her predecessor Uwe Corsepius, whose deputy she was during Angela Merkel’s time.
Michael Clauß
The diplomat has been head of the German Permanent Representation in Brussels for almost six years. The 62-year-old is also respected across party lines in Berlin for his expertise. As EU ambassador, he represents Germany’s positions in the Council – which is not always an easy task given the differences in the traffic light coalition.
Sven Giegold
As State Secretary, the Green politician coordinates European policy in the office of Economics Minister Robert Habeck. The long-serving MEP thus sits in a central position, as the BMWK coordinates which instructions are sent to the Permanent Representation in Brussels on many issues. Giegold also sits at the table when controversial dossiers are discussed in the departmental circle.
Michael Hager
He is probably the most influential German official in the EU Commission. Hager is the Head of Cabinet of Commission Vice-President Valdis Dombrovskis, whose responsibilities include trade agreements and economic policy. He is also the point of contact when Germans with a CDU/CSU background apply for posts in the EU institutions.
Sabine Weyand
As Director-General for Trade in one of the most influential positions in the EU Commission: trade policy is a core EU competence and the responsible Vice-President Valdis Dombrovskis gives his top official plenty of legroom. Weyand is fighting to convince even the skeptics in the Council of the trade agreements – above all the government in Paris.
Mechthild Wörsdörfer
The Deputy Director-General for Energy was a key manager of the European energy crisis following Russia’s attack on Ukraine. “We are now dealing with crisis issues 80 percent of the time,” she said at the time. However, she also represented the Commission in the regular trilogues on the energy laws from the Green Deal.
Renate Nicolay
The Digital Services and Digital Markets Act made the Directorate-General for Communications Networks, Content and Technology (Connect) an important counterpart to Amazon, Google, Meta and other big tech companies. As Deputy Director General, one of Nicolay’s tasks is now to oversee the platforms.
Ben Brake
After ten years at IBM, Brake took over as Head of the Digital and Data Policy Department at the BMDV in 2022. He was particularly involved in the negotiations on the G7 Hiroshima Process for Artificial Intelligence and the EU’s AI Act. You can read about what he is up to on his X-channel, where he goes by @datenbrake.
Christian Mangold
The German EU official is the Director-General for Internal Policies at the European Parliament and thus holds one of the most influential positions in the administration of the European Parliament. He is probably the most important point of contact for the chairs of the parliamentary committees in which legislative work is carried out. With his staff, he prepares reforms to the work processes in the European Parliament.
