Frans Timmermans has drawn massive criticism for his nature conservation package – the EPP, for example, warns of a “bureaucratic nightmare” and consequences for food security in Europe. Today, the Vice-President of the European Commission, responsible for the Green Deal, will face the MEPs of the Agriculture and Environment Committees in the European Parliament. There he wants to “clarify some points that are said lightly,” he announces in an exclusive interview.
The EPP’s harsh rejection of his proposals on renaturation and the reduction of pesticide use raises a fundamental question, says Timmermans: Whether the Christian Democrats are still willing to “find compromises with us and other parties.” After the elections in Italy, Sweden and Finland, the EPP seems to be “looking a bit more to the right.”
The Social Democrat clarifies: He is sticking to his two proposals – and wants to present more. “We’re going full steam ahead to the end.” The climate crisis and the danger of ecocide cannot be ended by five years of a Green Deal, he said. Rather, the issues should be moved to the center of the European election campaign: “I want everyone to show their colors.”
Have an enjoyable read and a good start to the week.
Mr Timmermans, you are drawing a lot of criticism for your proposals to restore nature and reduce pesticides. The EPP rejects them and argues with food safety.
We know very well where the real threat to food security comes from: the climate crisis, the overuse of pesticides and also farming practices that require a lot of fertilizer. There is therefore a real attack on biodiversity, the risk of losing a million species, and this must be prevented. The EPP, if I understand it correctly, is not questioning this at all. It is about whether we change our practices now or we wait and see. My experience with climate and nature is that the longer you wait, the more expensive it gets.
The majority in the European Parliament behind the Green Deal is crumbling. How do you want to make sure that your projects have priority until the end of the legislature?
First of all, we have to avoid the impression that we are already done. We have achieved much more than many believed. We have set ourselves the goal of reducing carbon emissions by 55 percent by 2030, and with the measures we have adopted, we will achieve that goal. But we must enable nature to play its part in this. Soil that is dead does not absorb carbon. Forests that are in poor condition emit carbon and they do not absorb it. That is why we need a Nature Restoration Law. We are therefore going full steam ahead to the end. But we are also ready to negotiate.
How will you convince the MEPs when you discuss with them in the committees this week?
I already made it clear in the last plenary session: ‘If you throw the nature restoration proposal in the wastepaper basket, there will be no further proposals until the end of the term’. That was important for some to know. Secondly, I asked the MEPs to tell us what specifically the contentious issues are because as it is, we don’t know. This way we will have the opportunity to clarify or propose compromises. Thirdly, this week I will have the opportunity to clarify before MEPs some points that are said lightly.
Specifically?
For example, that nature restoration means that you can’t build wind turbines or solar panels there. That is just not true. I have also seen this in my own country when the prime minister said: ‘Now I can’t build offshore wind turbines’. No, quite the opposite, because building offshore wind turbines can also create a marine protection zone. I would even say that coalitions are possible between those who want to restore nature and biodiversity and those who want to build wind turbines or solar farms on the same land.
Why do you think the EPP is putting on the brakes right now?
I believe there is a political dynamic that goes beyond the Green Deal. Everything we have built up recently is also based on the willingness to compromise among the parties of the enlarged center in the European Parliament – EPP, S&D, Renew and Greens. However, after the elections in Italy, Sweden and Finland, it appears that the EPP is looking a bit more to the right. The question is therefore: Is the EPP still prepared to find compromises with us and other parties? Or do we have to prepare for a new political dynamic that will not only affect the Green Deal but possibly also the period after the European elections?
Will you present the remaining legislative proposals as planned?
We will do what we can. But I only present texts when they are ready for it and we have consulted the public. I do not rule out the possibility that some of the texts are not ready.
Is this due to a lack of time or ambition?
I also have to consider the political realities. I am not naive and I know that I need majorities. But in the Commission, we continue to work on the legislative texts. I don’t want to hide the fact that our services are under incredible pressure. But I don’t want a text to be rejected because we haven’t done our job. If it takes longer, it takes longer. If that means it’s nearing the end of the term, yes, so be it, but quality comes first.
The German government has put the brakes on the combustion engine ban for cars, and now possibly also on renovation requirements for buildings. Are you afraid that there will be conflict again?
As far as cars are concerned: we will do the work we promised the Germans. In Full awareness and with great accuracy. But I still see that the European car industry is going in a certain direction, which is mainly electrification and maybe also the use of hydrogen. If you see that cheap EVs of high quality are being produced in China, then we have no time to lose here.
Our proposal on the Buildings Directive is intended to support the Member States, as the relevant climate protection targets are already laid down in the Effort Sharing Regulation. If the proposal is not understood as such, it will have to be explained or amended. Regarding Germany, it doesn’t come down to the goals, but rather to the fact that there are already efforts at the national level that don’t always go exactly in the same direction. There is a need for coordination here.
Berlin had retroactively questioned the trilateral agreement on the car fleet limits, and now Paris is criticizing the outcome of the negotiations on the Renewable Energies Directive. Has the Commission set a precedent with its concession to Germany?
That’s how Europe works: through negotiations. The only difference is that the Germans did it after the vote. This has been done by a country otherwise highly regarded for its compliance with the rules, of all things. That’s what triggered this rather negative dynamic.
Do you think that a second Green Deal will be necessary after 2024? There is already talk about climate targets for 2040.
We will definitely make a proposal before the end of the term on what we think is necessary for 2040. Firstly, because we have an obligation to do this. Secondly, because I believe that the Green Deal, the climate crisis and the threat of ecocide must be the subject of a Europe-wide election campaign. Because these crises cannot be solved within five years of a Green Deal. And I want everyone to show their colors. We had an agreement with the EPP on the Green Deal right at the beginning of the term. Now, as the elections approach, they are making alliances with the extreme right in southern and northern Europe.
When you look at the future yourself: Will you seek a third term as Commissioner?
There are some who say that I will return to my home country to do politics in the Netherlands. There are some who say that I will stay at the European level. I honestly don’t know today. I only know: I will remain committed. I want to be among those who prepare the program for the elections. At least I want to share my ideas on it. And then we will see. Two terms are already a long time. And two terms as first Vice-President of the European Commission with many heavy tasks, that is already a lot.
Emmanuel Macron recently called for a regulatory pause of the Commission.
I agree with the President of the Republic when he says: “This next Commission will have to implement these plans.” And it will have a heavy burden to carry in doing so. But we have to be careful: We are in a phase where Europe is much more political than it was five years ago. So I say to all those who aspire to lead the European Commission: They should face the voters. A political project must be presented to the European voters. What voters will go to the European elections if they are told that we are just bureaucrats from Brussels? I myself was elected by Dutch citizens seven times, six times to the Dutch Parliament, once to the European Parliament. I am a politician, not a bureaucrat.
The group of seven leading democratic industrialized nations is demonstrating resolve in its dealings with Russia and China. Under the leadership of the USA, Ukraine is receiving further military aid worth around €346 million in the fight against the Russian invading army – including the delivery of modern Western fighter jets.
The G7 countries also tightened sanctions against Russia to drain its war machinery financially. Diamond exports from Russia are to be restricted. The lucrative trade is worth around US$4 billion a year. The US announced further sanctions against Russian companies, individuals and organizations. Great Britain also wants to restrict Russian exports of copper, nickel and aluminum.
Regarding China, the G7 decided (mainly in paragraph 51 of their declaration under the title “Regional Affairs”):
Despite the strong words in their individual statements, the participants emphasized that they did not wish to take an aggressive stance toward China. There is no “hostile” attitude vis-à-vis China, only a “direct and candid” one, said Joe Biden’s security advisor Jake Sullivan.
In an interview with the German public broadcaster ZDF, Chancellor Olaf Scholz emphasized that the G7 remain committed to economic development in China. While the G7 want to reduce risks in their business with China, many people in China still live in precarious conditions, Scholz said in Hiroshima on Sunday. “Therefore, nobody has an interest in preventing growth.” Scholz is also said to have particularly pushed for better offers to the Global South.
China also popped up in the discussions about sanctions against Russia – but rather indirectly. According to EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, several companies registered in China are involved in evading sanctions against Russia. There is “clear evidence” that some companies are supplying sanctioned goods from the European Union to Russia via third countries, she told ZDF.
However, that the companies are registered in China does not necessarily mean that they are Chinese. Some companies exist only on paper and have owners with different nationalities, von der Leyen said.
However, she stressed that these companies will be subject to punitive measures under the EU’s eleventh sanctions package. “We take it seriously that we want to stop the circumvention of sanctions,” von der Leyen said. So far, deliveries to Russia are perfectly legal from China’s point of view – China does not participate in the sanctions. So the EU can only start with the companies.
There were great fears in the run-up regarding issues of international climate and energy policy that host Japan might put the brakes on ambitious G7 projects because of its own fossil-fuel-heavy energy sector. These fears were only partially realized. The final declaration states, among other things:
Some of the targets are not new but were already included in previous declarations. For example, the expansion targets for renewables are merely derived from the existing national targets of the G7 countries. Therefore, the balance is mixed.
It is good that the use of hydrogen and ammonia is to be prioritized in sectors difficult to decarbonize and in clear alignment with climate goals, says Yoko Mulholland, Senior Associate at think tank E3G. “However, the lack of a date for a coal phase-out is further evidence that Japan is lagging behind its partners, as all other G6 countries are taking concrete steps toward a coal phase-out.”
Petter Lydén, Head of International Climate Policy at Germanwatch criticizes the G7 for agreeing on climate targets with too many loopholes. “Instead of ruling out new investments in gas, G7 leaders left the door open for investments in outdated fossil fuel infrastructure.” He said, Olaf Scholz pushed through weaker language than his climate minister Robert Habeck at the meeting of G7 climate and energy ministers.
The G7 also launched a “Clean Energy Economy Action Plan.” The plan aims to build reliable clean energy supply chains, deepen cooperation with low- and middle-income countries, advance the decarbonization of industry, and increase investment in the production and deployment of clean technologies. In it, the G7 advocates, among other things, for trade policies designed to decarbonize and reduce emissions and calls for environmental standards not to be lowered to gain “unfair competitive advantages.”
With this plan, the G7 is more explicit than ever about how trade can support decarbonization, says E3G trade expert Jonny Peters. But looking at the big green subsidy packages from the US and EU, vulnerable countries would be excluded from a race to green subsidies. Peters urges that reforms at the WTO level are needed to change that. Finn Mayer-Kuckuk and Lukas Scheid with dpa
Is the Internet tax coming or not? On Friday, the submission deadline for the Commission’s exploratory consultation on “The future electronic communications sector and its infrastructure” ended. The evaluation will have far-reaching consequences for the European telecommunications market. After all, there is far more at stake than whether the Commission will oblige major content providers such as Alphabet, Meta or Netflix to contribute to the costs of network expansion or whether this will be a compulsory levy or a fair share. The consultation also shows that the Commission is by no means in agreement on how to achieve its digital targets for 2030.
During her visit to Berlin at the beginning of May, Commission Vice-President Margrethe Vestager emphasized that this was an “exploratory and open” consultation. She said it was important to listen carefully, everyone could give their opinion. The Commission will evaluate the feedback and only then decide, she said. “Maybe there will be a proposal, maybe not,” she said. Germany, in any case, sees no need for regulation.
Even though Vestager emphasized her openness, she let it be known that she opposes such a network charge to date. “If network charges are coming, how should it not be the consumer who pays them in the end?” she asked. Her opponent in the Commission is Thierry Breton, who is a strong supporter of European network operators and the infrastructure levy. He was formerly CEO of France Télécom (now Orange).
Vestager left no doubt about the goal that Europe needs capital to expand its digital infrastructure. But she hinted at another way to get there: the creation of a unified European market for telecommunications. Today, the telecommunications market in Europe is fragmented – unlike in the US, for example. Emblematic of this is that there is no single area code for Europe, Vestager said.
So far, however, the Commission has placed particular emphasis on ensuring that competition in each member country prevails. This has led to falling prices for consumers. However, this makes it difficult for network operators to provide services across national borders and thus benefit from economies of scale, such as globally active content and application providers (CAPs).
One outcome of the consultation could thus be that the Commission changes course and allows consolidation of the European market. Larger European players could not only benefit from economies of scale but also expand their market power vis-à-vis CAPs from the USA.
The consultation will certainly provide structured data as a basis for decision-making. The questionnaire comprises 62 questions on just under 70 pages. The Commission not only asks about expected technical developments, challenges and opportunities but also asks for concrete figures, for example, for investments in cybersecurity or direct investments in network infrastructure from 2017 to 2030. The Commission will publish the answers – except passages marked “confidential.”
In fact, the arguments of network operators (ECNs) on the one hand and content providers (CAPs) on the other have already been exchanged many times. Nevertheless, important players have taken the consultation as an opportunity to present their points of view:
In rare unity, the European associations of mobile operators GSMA and the major telecommunications companies ETNO submitted a joint paper. They point to a network investment gap of at least €174 billion. The figure comes from a study by the consulting firm WIK, which the Commission has not yet published.
Unsurprisingly, the CCIA considers the network operators’ demands to be unjustified. Or, as Google Europe CEO Matt Brittin puts it: “Network fees are a solution in search of a problem.” The US association CCIA represents the computer and communications industry, members include Amazon, Apple, Google, Meta and Twitter. Its main arguments are: Network costs hinder digital transformation and endanger net neutrality.
In addition to the associations, companies have also published their own statements, such as Google and Telefónica Deutschland. And they fundamentally contradict each other. For example, Telefónica rejects the accusation of the large – mainly US – content providers that the European network operators are earning enough. In the past ten years, Internet traffic in Europe has grown by around 30 percent a year. “The telecommunications industry has had to cope with an immense annual increase in demand over that period, with declining revenues,” Telefónica writes. “This trend is unsustainable and highlights the need for regulation.”
Google, on the other hand, argues the growth of Internet traffic has slowed in recent years. Most recently, it was only three percent in countries like Hungary. The danger lies more in that the growth of data traffic will stall (due to a network fee), so users will have no reason to switch to faster connections. At present, it is not foreseeable that new offerings such as augmented reality (AR) or virtual reality will overload the existing “best Internet connections.”
It is also worth noting that BEREC, the organization of European regulators, rejects the network charge. BEREC writes in a recent statement: The introduction of a mandatory network fee from the large CAPs to the network operators could distort competition between the market participants. Furthermore, the introduction of a “sending party network pays” regime would mean that network operators would be able to exploit their physical delivery monopoly. This, in turn, would make regulation of the IP interconnection market necessary in the first place.
The United Kingdom is making a second attempt at a data protection regulation that is slightly different from the EU’s. In March, it had withdrawn its first controversial version of the Data Protection and Digital Information Bill from the Sunak government in Westminster. At the same time, however, it introduced a new version, the Data Protection and Digital Information (No. 2) Bill, into the parliamentary process.
How close the UK remains to the EU data protection standard will determine whether the only provisional recognition of the UK data protection level after Brexit will continue to hold. But the new law could put that in acute danger.
As experts have pointed out, the Sunak government’s new draft law provides for changes in sensitive areas compared with the previous law based on the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR). The law stipulates, among other things, that the data protection commissioner should evaluate the application of data protection law in the future.
The bill lists five points in No. 120B: The data protection commissioner is to include in his or her actions
would stand in the way of data protection applications.
All of this fundamentally contradicts the principle of independent data protection oversight as defined in the General Data Protection Regulation. The Information Commissioner’s (ICO) role is also to be changed elsewhere. The UK government is to be given a stronger say in the work of the data protection supervisory authority. This would allow the Department of Science, Innovation and Technology under Michelle Donelan to intervene deeply in the ICO’s work through so-called “strategic priorities.”
Already the first version of the law caused deep frowns among data protectionists in the EU. The EU Commission issued an adequacy decision under Article 45 (3) in the course of the Brexit deal in 2021. This is currently the legal basis for the transfer of personal data out of the EU.
It comes with a sunset clause: it would have to be renewed in 2025 – or would lapse. Companies would then either have to put data transfers on a different, difficult legal footing. Or they would have to stop transferring and processing the personal data of EU citizens in the UK.
If any significant changes to data protection in the UK were to take place in the UK before the deadline, the Commission would also have to consider this. The Irish Council for Civil Liberties ICCL, among others, thus wrote to EU Justice Commissioner Didier Reynders on May 19. It urges him to monitor developments closely and, if necessary, amend or revoke the adequacy decision. fst
In Greece, the conservative ruling party Nea Dimokratia clearly won Sunday’s parliamentary elections. The party of Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis even made significant gains compared to the election four years ago. The Interior Ministry considered it at around 41 percent in the evening after half the votes had been counted (2019: 39.9 percent). However, whether Mitsotakis will be able to form a government in Athens is questionable because of a new electoral law. If he cannot form a coalition – or wants to govern alone – the Greeks will have to vote again in July.
The left-wing Syriza party of former head of government Alexis Tsipras suffered heavy losses: Although it remained the strongest opposition party with around 20 percent, it lost more than ten percentage points. The social democratic Pasok became the third strongest party with around 12 percent (2019: 8.1 percent). The Communists also made it over the three-percent hurdle with 6.8 percent and the right-wing populist Elliniki Lysi with 4.5 percent. The left-wing Mera25 party of former Finance Minister Giannis Varoufakis and the ultra-conservative Niki had to contend with 2.4 and 2.9 percent respectively.
Mitsotakis does not have much choice in coalition partners. An alliance with Syriza is out of the question – not least because Tsipras designed his election campaign as a counter-program to Nea Dimokratia and railed against the head of government. Alliances with left-wing and right-wing populists are just as unlikely – it will probably not be enough in terms of calculations either. Only the Social Democrats could be considered possible partners. However, their leader Nikos Androulakis has so far ruled out a coalition.
Mitsotakis will probably not be looking for a partner in the EU and NATO country, which has a population of around 10.5 million but will go straight for new elections. “The election result is a clear mandate from the people to Mitsotakis to continue to govern alone,” Interior Minister Makis Voridis told TV station Skai. In any case, Mitsotakis had always stressed during the election campaign that he wanted to rule alone again. “So, it would be strange if he suddenly said ‘yes’ to coalition negotiations.”
Due to a special feature of Greek electoral law, the conservatives have a chance of gaining sole power after another election. In the current election, simple proportional representation is applied: one or more parties must have 48 percent of the vote to govern. In the next election, however, the strongest party will automatically receive at least 20 additional seats in Parliament, which would probably put Nea Dimokratia back in government alone. dpa
Faced with pro-Russian aspirations in parts of Moldova, tens of thousands of people demonstrated in the capital Chisinau on Sunday in support of President Maia Sandu’s pro-European course. “We don’t want to be on the outskirts of Europe anymore,” Sandu said at the rally called by her government. She pledged to bring the country, located between Romania and Ukraine, into the EU by 2030. EU Parliament President Roberta Metsola told what police said were just over 75,000 demonstrators the EU would welcome Moldova with open arms.
“Moldova does not want to be blackmailed by the Kremlin,” Sandu said. The Russian-speaking minority in the country is supported by Russia, which is asserting its influence in the former Soviet republic. Some 1,500 Russian soldiers are stationed in the breakaway Transnistria region. After the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine began last year, relations between the governments in Chisinau and Moscow deteriorated further.
A leading figure of the pro-Russian forces in Moldova is businessman Ilan Shor, who founded his own party. Shor was sentenced to prison in Moldova for multibillion-dollar fraud in a banking scandal and lives in exile. He announced in a video message shown at counter-demonstrations on Sunday that he would initiate a referendum on the country’s foreign policy. rtr
During his visit to South Korea, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz (SPD) solicited investment in the German chip industry. “In fact, we are in the process of ensuring that as many investments as possible take place in Germany,” Scholz said Sunday in Seoul after a meeting with South Korean President Suk-Yeol Yoon. “It would be great if the global players from South Korea were with us,” he said, alluding, for example, to Samsung and its courtship of semiconductor factories.
South Korea’s President said he also wanted closer cooperation, especially in chip production for cars. He also called for a military agreement with Germany as quickly as possible to make armaments cooperation possible. Scholz mentioned renewable energies and EVs as further fields of cooperation.
The Chancellor stressed he was committed to a modernized EU free trade agreement with South Korea. He also welcomed the rapprochements between South Korea and Japan, which are both important partners with the same values for Germany. “Such initiatives require political courage and wise foresight – I will express my respect for President Yoon’s policies,” he said. rtr
CFOs of companies such as BMW, Telefónica and BP have called on the European Commission to improve the guidelines for the implementation of the taxonomy. The reason given was that the guidelines are unclear, burdensome and of little use to investors. This is reported by the Financial Times.
“Rushing implementation, unclear definitions and divergent interpretations have resulted in reports that are not sufficiently relevant, comparable or reliable to be useful to investors,” BMW CFO Nicolas Peter wrote, according to the letter. The letter was sent to Finance Commissioner Mairead McGuinness on behalf of the CFO Platform of the European Round Table for Industry (ERT). The CFOs of about 30 companies are represented there. Peter added the taxonomy disregards and also contradicts existing sound EU legislation, such as rules on harmful chemicals.
According to the Financial Times, the letter goes on to say it would be impossible for companies and auditors to meet all the overlapping requirements. As a result, investors would receive low-quality reports that could not be compared with each other because the definitions of the taxonomy were too imprecise.
Peter wrote that the current taxonomy “needs to be evaluated and improved before it is extended to other environmental targets.” He added the classification system also does not match that of other countries, resulting in EU-based multinationals having an additional burden of reporting standards that do not apply elsewhere. “EU definitions are often not relevant or applicable,” Peter explained. vis
This time it gets a bit unsavory for dessert, it’s about garbage. Just over a week ago, some Brussels residents must have been surprised. A letter informed them about a new waste plan. Those initially looking forward to the end of garbage bags on the sidewalks were disappointed.
No. Anyone living in Brussels has to get used to running the gauntlet around torn trash bags and streets littered with garbage. The garbage is simply part of the cityscape. Just like the unfinished Palais de Justice with its rusty, dilapidated scaffolding, or the endless construction sites. Finally, the waste situation also brings a bit of biodiversity to the city’s interior. Many a Brussels resident regularly encounters mice, foxes and crows on his doorstep.
Brussels’ environment minister wants to achieve something completely different with his waste reform: Alain Maron (écolos) wants to educate Brussels residents to generate less waste and also to separate the garbage. To achieve this, he is resorting to two means:
The intention was there, but the implementation failed. This is how the first week of the new waste plan can be summarized. It was “une histoire belge” once again. The problems began when BPost, the most reliable of all postal services, distributed the new plans incorrectly. The culprit was the treacherous “E”. The municipality’s inhabitants of Evere found the plans for Etterbeek in their mailboxes. As a result, they literally had no plan for when their garbage had to go out the door.
The news of the new waste plan does not seem to have reached many other Brussels residents either. And so the inevitable happened. Brussels looked like Paris during the garbage collection strike: the sidewalks were overflowing with garbage bags. Foxes, rats and the like celebrated a nocturnal feast.
But anyone thinking that Environment Minister Alain Maron has planned an emergency collection of incorrectly deposited garbage bags is mistaken. Because then the re-education effect would be zero, he revealed to Le Soir. His plan was actually to put a sticker on incorrectly deposited garbage bags to indicate the new garbage plan. The problem: Not enough stickers were distributed. They ran out almost as fast as the supermarkets ran out of orange bags.
If you want to do everything correctly, you often only have a two-hour window, usually from 6 to 8 p.m., to put the trash out. You are not at home? Then you have two options:
Meanwhile, Environment Minister Maron announced in the Brussels Parliament there would be a review of the new system in a few weeks and then again in a few months. But no: this is not about the possible introduction of a system with actual garbage cans or even an underfloor system or similar, more hygienic solutions. Charlotte Wirth
Frans Timmermans has drawn massive criticism for his nature conservation package – the EPP, for example, warns of a “bureaucratic nightmare” and consequences for food security in Europe. Today, the Vice-President of the European Commission, responsible for the Green Deal, will face the MEPs of the Agriculture and Environment Committees in the European Parliament. There he wants to “clarify some points that are said lightly,” he announces in an exclusive interview.
The EPP’s harsh rejection of his proposals on renaturation and the reduction of pesticide use raises a fundamental question, says Timmermans: Whether the Christian Democrats are still willing to “find compromises with us and other parties.” After the elections in Italy, Sweden and Finland, the EPP seems to be “looking a bit more to the right.”
The Social Democrat clarifies: He is sticking to his two proposals – and wants to present more. “We’re going full steam ahead to the end.” The climate crisis and the danger of ecocide cannot be ended by five years of a Green Deal, he said. Rather, the issues should be moved to the center of the European election campaign: “I want everyone to show their colors.”
Have an enjoyable read and a good start to the week.
Mr Timmermans, you are drawing a lot of criticism for your proposals to restore nature and reduce pesticides. The EPP rejects them and argues with food safety.
We know very well where the real threat to food security comes from: the climate crisis, the overuse of pesticides and also farming practices that require a lot of fertilizer. There is therefore a real attack on biodiversity, the risk of losing a million species, and this must be prevented. The EPP, if I understand it correctly, is not questioning this at all. It is about whether we change our practices now or we wait and see. My experience with climate and nature is that the longer you wait, the more expensive it gets.
The majority in the European Parliament behind the Green Deal is crumbling. How do you want to make sure that your projects have priority until the end of the legislature?
First of all, we have to avoid the impression that we are already done. We have achieved much more than many believed. We have set ourselves the goal of reducing carbon emissions by 55 percent by 2030, and with the measures we have adopted, we will achieve that goal. But we must enable nature to play its part in this. Soil that is dead does not absorb carbon. Forests that are in poor condition emit carbon and they do not absorb it. That is why we need a Nature Restoration Law. We are therefore going full steam ahead to the end. But we are also ready to negotiate.
How will you convince the MEPs when you discuss with them in the committees this week?
I already made it clear in the last plenary session: ‘If you throw the nature restoration proposal in the wastepaper basket, there will be no further proposals until the end of the term’. That was important for some to know. Secondly, I asked the MEPs to tell us what specifically the contentious issues are because as it is, we don’t know. This way we will have the opportunity to clarify or propose compromises. Thirdly, this week I will have the opportunity to clarify before MEPs some points that are said lightly.
Specifically?
For example, that nature restoration means that you can’t build wind turbines or solar panels there. That is just not true. I have also seen this in my own country when the prime minister said: ‘Now I can’t build offshore wind turbines’. No, quite the opposite, because building offshore wind turbines can also create a marine protection zone. I would even say that coalitions are possible between those who want to restore nature and biodiversity and those who want to build wind turbines or solar farms on the same land.
Why do you think the EPP is putting on the brakes right now?
I believe there is a political dynamic that goes beyond the Green Deal. Everything we have built up recently is also based on the willingness to compromise among the parties of the enlarged center in the European Parliament – EPP, S&D, Renew and Greens. However, after the elections in Italy, Sweden and Finland, it appears that the EPP is looking a bit more to the right. The question is therefore: Is the EPP still prepared to find compromises with us and other parties? Or do we have to prepare for a new political dynamic that will not only affect the Green Deal but possibly also the period after the European elections?
Will you present the remaining legislative proposals as planned?
We will do what we can. But I only present texts when they are ready for it and we have consulted the public. I do not rule out the possibility that some of the texts are not ready.
Is this due to a lack of time or ambition?
I also have to consider the political realities. I am not naive and I know that I need majorities. But in the Commission, we continue to work on the legislative texts. I don’t want to hide the fact that our services are under incredible pressure. But I don’t want a text to be rejected because we haven’t done our job. If it takes longer, it takes longer. If that means it’s nearing the end of the term, yes, so be it, but quality comes first.
The German government has put the brakes on the combustion engine ban for cars, and now possibly also on renovation requirements for buildings. Are you afraid that there will be conflict again?
As far as cars are concerned: we will do the work we promised the Germans. In Full awareness and with great accuracy. But I still see that the European car industry is going in a certain direction, which is mainly electrification and maybe also the use of hydrogen. If you see that cheap EVs of high quality are being produced in China, then we have no time to lose here.
Our proposal on the Buildings Directive is intended to support the Member States, as the relevant climate protection targets are already laid down in the Effort Sharing Regulation. If the proposal is not understood as such, it will have to be explained or amended. Regarding Germany, it doesn’t come down to the goals, but rather to the fact that there are already efforts at the national level that don’t always go exactly in the same direction. There is a need for coordination here.
Berlin had retroactively questioned the trilateral agreement on the car fleet limits, and now Paris is criticizing the outcome of the negotiations on the Renewable Energies Directive. Has the Commission set a precedent with its concession to Germany?
That’s how Europe works: through negotiations. The only difference is that the Germans did it after the vote. This has been done by a country otherwise highly regarded for its compliance with the rules, of all things. That’s what triggered this rather negative dynamic.
Do you think that a second Green Deal will be necessary after 2024? There is already talk about climate targets for 2040.
We will definitely make a proposal before the end of the term on what we think is necessary for 2040. Firstly, because we have an obligation to do this. Secondly, because I believe that the Green Deal, the climate crisis and the threat of ecocide must be the subject of a Europe-wide election campaign. Because these crises cannot be solved within five years of a Green Deal. And I want everyone to show their colors. We had an agreement with the EPP on the Green Deal right at the beginning of the term. Now, as the elections approach, they are making alliances with the extreme right in southern and northern Europe.
When you look at the future yourself: Will you seek a third term as Commissioner?
There are some who say that I will return to my home country to do politics in the Netherlands. There are some who say that I will stay at the European level. I honestly don’t know today. I only know: I will remain committed. I want to be among those who prepare the program for the elections. At least I want to share my ideas on it. And then we will see. Two terms are already a long time. And two terms as first Vice-President of the European Commission with many heavy tasks, that is already a lot.
Emmanuel Macron recently called for a regulatory pause of the Commission.
I agree with the President of the Republic when he says: “This next Commission will have to implement these plans.” And it will have a heavy burden to carry in doing so. But we have to be careful: We are in a phase where Europe is much more political than it was five years ago. So I say to all those who aspire to lead the European Commission: They should face the voters. A political project must be presented to the European voters. What voters will go to the European elections if they are told that we are just bureaucrats from Brussels? I myself was elected by Dutch citizens seven times, six times to the Dutch Parliament, once to the European Parliament. I am a politician, not a bureaucrat.
The group of seven leading democratic industrialized nations is demonstrating resolve in its dealings with Russia and China. Under the leadership of the USA, Ukraine is receiving further military aid worth around €346 million in the fight against the Russian invading army – including the delivery of modern Western fighter jets.
The G7 countries also tightened sanctions against Russia to drain its war machinery financially. Diamond exports from Russia are to be restricted. The lucrative trade is worth around US$4 billion a year. The US announced further sanctions against Russian companies, individuals and organizations. Great Britain also wants to restrict Russian exports of copper, nickel and aluminum.
Regarding China, the G7 decided (mainly in paragraph 51 of their declaration under the title “Regional Affairs”):
Despite the strong words in their individual statements, the participants emphasized that they did not wish to take an aggressive stance toward China. There is no “hostile” attitude vis-à-vis China, only a “direct and candid” one, said Joe Biden’s security advisor Jake Sullivan.
In an interview with the German public broadcaster ZDF, Chancellor Olaf Scholz emphasized that the G7 remain committed to economic development in China. While the G7 want to reduce risks in their business with China, many people in China still live in precarious conditions, Scholz said in Hiroshima on Sunday. “Therefore, nobody has an interest in preventing growth.” Scholz is also said to have particularly pushed for better offers to the Global South.
China also popped up in the discussions about sanctions against Russia – but rather indirectly. According to EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, several companies registered in China are involved in evading sanctions against Russia. There is “clear evidence” that some companies are supplying sanctioned goods from the European Union to Russia via third countries, she told ZDF.
However, that the companies are registered in China does not necessarily mean that they are Chinese. Some companies exist only on paper and have owners with different nationalities, von der Leyen said.
However, she stressed that these companies will be subject to punitive measures under the EU’s eleventh sanctions package. “We take it seriously that we want to stop the circumvention of sanctions,” von der Leyen said. So far, deliveries to Russia are perfectly legal from China’s point of view – China does not participate in the sanctions. So the EU can only start with the companies.
There were great fears in the run-up regarding issues of international climate and energy policy that host Japan might put the brakes on ambitious G7 projects because of its own fossil-fuel-heavy energy sector. These fears were only partially realized. The final declaration states, among other things:
Some of the targets are not new but were already included in previous declarations. For example, the expansion targets for renewables are merely derived from the existing national targets of the G7 countries. Therefore, the balance is mixed.
It is good that the use of hydrogen and ammonia is to be prioritized in sectors difficult to decarbonize and in clear alignment with climate goals, says Yoko Mulholland, Senior Associate at think tank E3G. “However, the lack of a date for a coal phase-out is further evidence that Japan is lagging behind its partners, as all other G6 countries are taking concrete steps toward a coal phase-out.”
Petter Lydén, Head of International Climate Policy at Germanwatch criticizes the G7 for agreeing on climate targets with too many loopholes. “Instead of ruling out new investments in gas, G7 leaders left the door open for investments in outdated fossil fuel infrastructure.” He said, Olaf Scholz pushed through weaker language than his climate minister Robert Habeck at the meeting of G7 climate and energy ministers.
The G7 also launched a “Clean Energy Economy Action Plan.” The plan aims to build reliable clean energy supply chains, deepen cooperation with low- and middle-income countries, advance the decarbonization of industry, and increase investment in the production and deployment of clean technologies. In it, the G7 advocates, among other things, for trade policies designed to decarbonize and reduce emissions and calls for environmental standards not to be lowered to gain “unfair competitive advantages.”
With this plan, the G7 is more explicit than ever about how trade can support decarbonization, says E3G trade expert Jonny Peters. But looking at the big green subsidy packages from the US and EU, vulnerable countries would be excluded from a race to green subsidies. Peters urges that reforms at the WTO level are needed to change that. Finn Mayer-Kuckuk and Lukas Scheid with dpa
Is the Internet tax coming or not? On Friday, the submission deadline for the Commission’s exploratory consultation on “The future electronic communications sector and its infrastructure” ended. The evaluation will have far-reaching consequences for the European telecommunications market. After all, there is far more at stake than whether the Commission will oblige major content providers such as Alphabet, Meta or Netflix to contribute to the costs of network expansion or whether this will be a compulsory levy or a fair share. The consultation also shows that the Commission is by no means in agreement on how to achieve its digital targets for 2030.
During her visit to Berlin at the beginning of May, Commission Vice-President Margrethe Vestager emphasized that this was an “exploratory and open” consultation. She said it was important to listen carefully, everyone could give their opinion. The Commission will evaluate the feedback and only then decide, she said. “Maybe there will be a proposal, maybe not,” she said. Germany, in any case, sees no need for regulation.
Even though Vestager emphasized her openness, she let it be known that she opposes such a network charge to date. “If network charges are coming, how should it not be the consumer who pays them in the end?” she asked. Her opponent in the Commission is Thierry Breton, who is a strong supporter of European network operators and the infrastructure levy. He was formerly CEO of France Télécom (now Orange).
Vestager left no doubt about the goal that Europe needs capital to expand its digital infrastructure. But she hinted at another way to get there: the creation of a unified European market for telecommunications. Today, the telecommunications market in Europe is fragmented – unlike in the US, for example. Emblematic of this is that there is no single area code for Europe, Vestager said.
So far, however, the Commission has placed particular emphasis on ensuring that competition in each member country prevails. This has led to falling prices for consumers. However, this makes it difficult for network operators to provide services across national borders and thus benefit from economies of scale, such as globally active content and application providers (CAPs).
One outcome of the consultation could thus be that the Commission changes course and allows consolidation of the European market. Larger European players could not only benefit from economies of scale but also expand their market power vis-à-vis CAPs from the USA.
The consultation will certainly provide structured data as a basis for decision-making. The questionnaire comprises 62 questions on just under 70 pages. The Commission not only asks about expected technical developments, challenges and opportunities but also asks for concrete figures, for example, for investments in cybersecurity or direct investments in network infrastructure from 2017 to 2030. The Commission will publish the answers – except passages marked “confidential.”
In fact, the arguments of network operators (ECNs) on the one hand and content providers (CAPs) on the other have already been exchanged many times. Nevertheless, important players have taken the consultation as an opportunity to present their points of view:
In rare unity, the European associations of mobile operators GSMA and the major telecommunications companies ETNO submitted a joint paper. They point to a network investment gap of at least €174 billion. The figure comes from a study by the consulting firm WIK, which the Commission has not yet published.
Unsurprisingly, the CCIA considers the network operators’ demands to be unjustified. Or, as Google Europe CEO Matt Brittin puts it: “Network fees are a solution in search of a problem.” The US association CCIA represents the computer and communications industry, members include Amazon, Apple, Google, Meta and Twitter. Its main arguments are: Network costs hinder digital transformation and endanger net neutrality.
In addition to the associations, companies have also published their own statements, such as Google and Telefónica Deutschland. And they fundamentally contradict each other. For example, Telefónica rejects the accusation of the large – mainly US – content providers that the European network operators are earning enough. In the past ten years, Internet traffic in Europe has grown by around 30 percent a year. “The telecommunications industry has had to cope with an immense annual increase in demand over that period, with declining revenues,” Telefónica writes. “This trend is unsustainable and highlights the need for regulation.”
Google, on the other hand, argues the growth of Internet traffic has slowed in recent years. Most recently, it was only three percent in countries like Hungary. The danger lies more in that the growth of data traffic will stall (due to a network fee), so users will have no reason to switch to faster connections. At present, it is not foreseeable that new offerings such as augmented reality (AR) or virtual reality will overload the existing “best Internet connections.”
It is also worth noting that BEREC, the organization of European regulators, rejects the network charge. BEREC writes in a recent statement: The introduction of a mandatory network fee from the large CAPs to the network operators could distort competition between the market participants. Furthermore, the introduction of a “sending party network pays” regime would mean that network operators would be able to exploit their physical delivery monopoly. This, in turn, would make regulation of the IP interconnection market necessary in the first place.
The United Kingdom is making a second attempt at a data protection regulation that is slightly different from the EU’s. In March, it had withdrawn its first controversial version of the Data Protection and Digital Information Bill from the Sunak government in Westminster. At the same time, however, it introduced a new version, the Data Protection and Digital Information (No. 2) Bill, into the parliamentary process.
How close the UK remains to the EU data protection standard will determine whether the only provisional recognition of the UK data protection level after Brexit will continue to hold. But the new law could put that in acute danger.
As experts have pointed out, the Sunak government’s new draft law provides for changes in sensitive areas compared with the previous law based on the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR). The law stipulates, among other things, that the data protection commissioner should evaluate the application of data protection law in the future.
The bill lists five points in No. 120B: The data protection commissioner is to include in his or her actions
would stand in the way of data protection applications.
All of this fundamentally contradicts the principle of independent data protection oversight as defined in the General Data Protection Regulation. The Information Commissioner’s (ICO) role is also to be changed elsewhere. The UK government is to be given a stronger say in the work of the data protection supervisory authority. This would allow the Department of Science, Innovation and Technology under Michelle Donelan to intervene deeply in the ICO’s work through so-called “strategic priorities.”
Already the first version of the law caused deep frowns among data protectionists in the EU. The EU Commission issued an adequacy decision under Article 45 (3) in the course of the Brexit deal in 2021. This is currently the legal basis for the transfer of personal data out of the EU.
It comes with a sunset clause: it would have to be renewed in 2025 – or would lapse. Companies would then either have to put data transfers on a different, difficult legal footing. Or they would have to stop transferring and processing the personal data of EU citizens in the UK.
If any significant changes to data protection in the UK were to take place in the UK before the deadline, the Commission would also have to consider this. The Irish Council for Civil Liberties ICCL, among others, thus wrote to EU Justice Commissioner Didier Reynders on May 19. It urges him to monitor developments closely and, if necessary, amend or revoke the adequacy decision. fst
In Greece, the conservative ruling party Nea Dimokratia clearly won Sunday’s parliamentary elections. The party of Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis even made significant gains compared to the election four years ago. The Interior Ministry considered it at around 41 percent in the evening after half the votes had been counted (2019: 39.9 percent). However, whether Mitsotakis will be able to form a government in Athens is questionable because of a new electoral law. If he cannot form a coalition – or wants to govern alone – the Greeks will have to vote again in July.
The left-wing Syriza party of former head of government Alexis Tsipras suffered heavy losses: Although it remained the strongest opposition party with around 20 percent, it lost more than ten percentage points. The social democratic Pasok became the third strongest party with around 12 percent (2019: 8.1 percent). The Communists also made it over the three-percent hurdle with 6.8 percent and the right-wing populist Elliniki Lysi with 4.5 percent. The left-wing Mera25 party of former Finance Minister Giannis Varoufakis and the ultra-conservative Niki had to contend with 2.4 and 2.9 percent respectively.
Mitsotakis does not have much choice in coalition partners. An alliance with Syriza is out of the question – not least because Tsipras designed his election campaign as a counter-program to Nea Dimokratia and railed against the head of government. Alliances with left-wing and right-wing populists are just as unlikely – it will probably not be enough in terms of calculations either. Only the Social Democrats could be considered possible partners. However, their leader Nikos Androulakis has so far ruled out a coalition.
Mitsotakis will probably not be looking for a partner in the EU and NATO country, which has a population of around 10.5 million but will go straight for new elections. “The election result is a clear mandate from the people to Mitsotakis to continue to govern alone,” Interior Minister Makis Voridis told TV station Skai. In any case, Mitsotakis had always stressed during the election campaign that he wanted to rule alone again. “So, it would be strange if he suddenly said ‘yes’ to coalition negotiations.”
Due to a special feature of Greek electoral law, the conservatives have a chance of gaining sole power after another election. In the current election, simple proportional representation is applied: one or more parties must have 48 percent of the vote to govern. In the next election, however, the strongest party will automatically receive at least 20 additional seats in Parliament, which would probably put Nea Dimokratia back in government alone. dpa
Faced with pro-Russian aspirations in parts of Moldova, tens of thousands of people demonstrated in the capital Chisinau on Sunday in support of President Maia Sandu’s pro-European course. “We don’t want to be on the outskirts of Europe anymore,” Sandu said at the rally called by her government. She pledged to bring the country, located between Romania and Ukraine, into the EU by 2030. EU Parliament President Roberta Metsola told what police said were just over 75,000 demonstrators the EU would welcome Moldova with open arms.
“Moldova does not want to be blackmailed by the Kremlin,” Sandu said. The Russian-speaking minority in the country is supported by Russia, which is asserting its influence in the former Soviet republic. Some 1,500 Russian soldiers are stationed in the breakaway Transnistria region. After the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine began last year, relations between the governments in Chisinau and Moscow deteriorated further.
A leading figure of the pro-Russian forces in Moldova is businessman Ilan Shor, who founded his own party. Shor was sentenced to prison in Moldova for multibillion-dollar fraud in a banking scandal and lives in exile. He announced in a video message shown at counter-demonstrations on Sunday that he would initiate a referendum on the country’s foreign policy. rtr
During his visit to South Korea, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz (SPD) solicited investment in the German chip industry. “In fact, we are in the process of ensuring that as many investments as possible take place in Germany,” Scholz said Sunday in Seoul after a meeting with South Korean President Suk-Yeol Yoon. “It would be great if the global players from South Korea were with us,” he said, alluding, for example, to Samsung and its courtship of semiconductor factories.
South Korea’s President said he also wanted closer cooperation, especially in chip production for cars. He also called for a military agreement with Germany as quickly as possible to make armaments cooperation possible. Scholz mentioned renewable energies and EVs as further fields of cooperation.
The Chancellor stressed he was committed to a modernized EU free trade agreement with South Korea. He also welcomed the rapprochements between South Korea and Japan, which are both important partners with the same values for Germany. “Such initiatives require political courage and wise foresight – I will express my respect for President Yoon’s policies,” he said. rtr
CFOs of companies such as BMW, Telefónica and BP have called on the European Commission to improve the guidelines for the implementation of the taxonomy. The reason given was that the guidelines are unclear, burdensome and of little use to investors. This is reported by the Financial Times.
“Rushing implementation, unclear definitions and divergent interpretations have resulted in reports that are not sufficiently relevant, comparable or reliable to be useful to investors,” BMW CFO Nicolas Peter wrote, according to the letter. The letter was sent to Finance Commissioner Mairead McGuinness on behalf of the CFO Platform of the European Round Table for Industry (ERT). The CFOs of about 30 companies are represented there. Peter added the taxonomy disregards and also contradicts existing sound EU legislation, such as rules on harmful chemicals.
According to the Financial Times, the letter goes on to say it would be impossible for companies and auditors to meet all the overlapping requirements. As a result, investors would receive low-quality reports that could not be compared with each other because the definitions of the taxonomy were too imprecise.
Peter wrote that the current taxonomy “needs to be evaluated and improved before it is extended to other environmental targets.” He added the classification system also does not match that of other countries, resulting in EU-based multinationals having an additional burden of reporting standards that do not apply elsewhere. “EU definitions are often not relevant or applicable,” Peter explained. vis
This time it gets a bit unsavory for dessert, it’s about garbage. Just over a week ago, some Brussels residents must have been surprised. A letter informed them about a new waste plan. Those initially looking forward to the end of garbage bags on the sidewalks were disappointed.
No. Anyone living in Brussels has to get used to running the gauntlet around torn trash bags and streets littered with garbage. The garbage is simply part of the cityscape. Just like the unfinished Palais de Justice with its rusty, dilapidated scaffolding, or the endless construction sites. Finally, the waste situation also brings a bit of biodiversity to the city’s interior. Many a Brussels resident regularly encounters mice, foxes and crows on his doorstep.
Brussels’ environment minister wants to achieve something completely different with his waste reform: Alain Maron (écolos) wants to educate Brussels residents to generate less waste and also to separate the garbage. To achieve this, he is resorting to two means:
The intention was there, but the implementation failed. This is how the first week of the new waste plan can be summarized. It was “une histoire belge” once again. The problems began when BPost, the most reliable of all postal services, distributed the new plans incorrectly. The culprit was the treacherous “E”. The municipality’s inhabitants of Evere found the plans for Etterbeek in their mailboxes. As a result, they literally had no plan for when their garbage had to go out the door.
The news of the new waste plan does not seem to have reached many other Brussels residents either. And so the inevitable happened. Brussels looked like Paris during the garbage collection strike: the sidewalks were overflowing with garbage bags. Foxes, rats and the like celebrated a nocturnal feast.
But anyone thinking that Environment Minister Alain Maron has planned an emergency collection of incorrectly deposited garbage bags is mistaken. Because then the re-education effect would be zero, he revealed to Le Soir. His plan was actually to put a sticker on incorrectly deposited garbage bags to indicate the new garbage plan. The problem: Not enough stickers were distributed. They ran out almost as fast as the supermarkets ran out of orange bags.
If you want to do everything correctly, you often only have a two-hour window, usually from 6 to 8 p.m., to put the trash out. You are not at home? Then you have two options:
Meanwhile, Environment Minister Maron announced in the Brussels Parliament there would be a review of the new system in a few weeks and then again in a few months. But no: this is not about the possible introduction of a system with actual garbage cans or even an underfloor system or similar, more hygienic solutions. Charlotte Wirth