What the transfer market brings + Macron’s list for the European elections

Dear reader,

Ursula von der Leyen needs to switch roles perfectly these days. One day she is the lead candidate for the Christian Democratic EPP. Therefore, she is campaigning. At the same time, she is required to take a polemical and party-political stance. Then she has to slip back into the role of Commission President. She is now the head of the powerful Brussels authority and must follow the official EU line.

Like today, when she takes part in the summit talks between French President Emmanuel Macron and Chinese President Xi Jinping in Paris. These talks will also address the tensions between the EU and China on trade issues. Paris had insisted that electric vehicles imported from China be subject to an anti-dumping investigation. The Commission responsible for trade policy complied with the request and insistence.

The Commission is expected to impose punitive tariffs in the coming weeks provisionally. The President of the Commission committed herself to punitive tariffs early on. She met with skepticism from German manufacturers. It will be interesting to see whether details of the dispute over car imports emerge from today’s meeting. Have a good start to the week!

Your
Markus Grabitz

Transfer market: How the EPP Group wants to grow through new members

By

Markus Grabitz

The names of the 720 members of the new European Parliament will not be finalized until two or three days after the last polling stations in the EU close on the evening of June 9. The exciting phase of group formation will then begin. Will new political groups be formed – possibly through mergers? What changes will there be between the political groups? Many individual parties from the Member States will only decide which group they join in the weeks leading up to the constitution of the tenth parliamentary term on July 16.

Over 200 parties are represented in the European Parliament in the ninth parliamentary term that is coming to an end. Most of them have joined one of the seven political groups (EPP, S&D, Renew, Greens, ECR, ID, Left). In addition, 51 of the current 705 MEPs are non-attached. According to the Rules of Procedure of the European Parliament, at least 25 MEPs from at least seven Member States must come together to form a political group.

Size is the deciding factor in item allocation

If a parliamentary group succeeds in recruiting new national parties on the transfer market, this means more power. The more members a parliamentary group has, the more posts in the parliamentary presidency and committee chairs it can claim. The balance of power between the political groups will become important in the first few days after Parliament is constituted when MEPs vote on the posts of President of Parliament and President of the Commission.

Observers assume there will be even more movement this time than in 2019, with at least 62 parties running in the European elections that did not even exist in the last European elections. In the weeks leading up to the election, the political groups are keeping a low profile regarding possible new entrants. There is already a lot of talk behind the scenes.

The first decisions on formal admissions to the political groups are expected in the second week after the election. Time will then be pressing. There are only five weeks after the election before Parliament is constituted. The size of the parliamentary groups must be determined before then, which will likely be at the beginning of July so that preparations for the committee formations can begin.

EVP

The largest group in the current Parliament is the EPP with currently 177 MEPs. Political scientist Manuel Müller from the Finnish Institute of International Affairs, who regularly prepares the seat projection “If European elections were next Sunday…” for Table.Briefings, expects the EPP to slip slightly to 173 seats but could reach 181 seats through transfers.

Péter Magyar’s Tisza party from Hungary has announced that it will join the EPP. In the opinion polls, it is being traded with three seats. One seat each could come from the Liberal Alliance from Denmark, the Farmers and Citizens Movement (BBB) from the Netherlands and the Romanian Right Force (FD) led by former head of government Ludovic Orban.

Also under discussion are the Czech ODS and the NVA from Flanders, which currently belong to the ECR and could each provide three MEPs according to the seat projection. However, the Spanish PP has reservations about the NVA joining, as the NVA is separatist.

S&D

The socialist S&D group currently has 140 seats in Parliament. According to the seat projection, it could fall to 132 seats. It could increase slightly to 134 seats through accessions. In addition, the socialist PES party family apparently wants to rehabilitate the suspended member parties from Slovakia, HLAS and SMER. Both parties were suspended because they supported the Slovakian government led by left-wing populist and Putin friend Robert Fico. They could be represented in Strasbourg with a total of seven MEPs. However, there is also resistance to rehabilitation from within the parliamentary group.

Right-wing factions

The most interesting question is whether forces from the two right-wing groups EKR and ID, possibly including Viktor Orbán’s currently non-attached Fidesz, will unite to form a strong right-wing group. EKR currently has 68 MEPs, ID 59 seats. Fidesz has twelve seats. According to seat projections, EKR and ID can expect to gain 81 and 83 seats respectively.

The decisive factor is likely to be whether the Polish PiS and the Italian Fratelli d’Italia, which form the two pillars of the ECR, resolve their dispute over direction or split up for good. Mateusz Morawiecki, former Prime Minister of Poland and strong man in the PiS, repeatedly invited Fidesz to the ECR. However, some other member parties, such as the Czech ODS or the Sweden Democrats, vehemently reject cooperation with Putin supporters.

ECR leader Giorgia Meloni has so far avoided taking a clear position herself. In addition, Marine Le Pen’s Rassemblement national, which sets the tone in the ID parliamentary group, seems to want to push the German AfD out. However, it is unlikely that the ID and EKR will merge completely – if only because of the domestic rivalries between the Rassemblement (ID) and the Reconquete (EKR) led by Éric Zemmour or between Fratelli d’Italia (EKR) and Matteo Salvini’s Lega (ID).

Greens

According to the seat projection, the Green parliamentary group will likely shrink from currently 72 to 51 seats. It could grow again to 53 seats through new members. However, it remains to be seen where the previously non-attached 5 Star Movement from Italy, which could gain up to 14 seats according to the polls, will go. Three of its MPs had already joined the Greens in the last parliamentary term, but will not return. Talks between the Greens and the 5 Stars about joining the parliamentary group were unsuccessful. The party could now seek to join the parliamentary group of the Left. The Sahra Wagenknecht alliance is currently trying to win over the movement for a new joint parliamentary group.

In return, the Greens are hoping for reinforcements from Spain via Sumar. The movement, which has replaced Podemos, could have four to five MEPs in Strasbourg. Around half could go to the Greens, while the other half will be part of the left-wing group.

Left

The left is likely to remain fairly stable after the European elections. Among the larger blocs in the parliamentary group, the only question is whether the Greek Syriza party will remain or switch to the Social Democrats. The party of former prime minister Alexis Tsipras has split, with the new chairman Stefanos Kasselakis seeing Syriza as a party that covers the spectrum from social democracy to the Greens to the left.

Renew

There are no major increases or decreases in the Renew Group, which is expected to lose around a tenth of its seats and can expect 86 seats according to the latest projection. In the meantime, a switch of the Free Voters’ MPs to the ECR had been discussed. However, this seems to be off the table.

All texts on the 2024 European elections can be found here.

What the PiS list reveals about the power struggle within the party

Contrary to expectations, the Polish PiS has not only nominated supporters of party leader Jarosław Kaczyński on promising list positions for the European elections. Of the candidates in the top 20 places, more than half are considered critical of Putin and in cooperation with Hungary’s Fidesz.

PiS is the strongest group in the conservative ECR group, ahead of Giorgia Meloni’s Fratelli d’Italia. PiS politician and former Polish Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki has repeatedly suggested cooperation between the EKR and Fidesz. Two camps within the PiS are battling over whether the PiS should work together with Fidesz in the European Parliament. Observers see the list as a sign that the power struggle has not yet been decided.

Former Secret Service chiefs nominated

Dominik Tarczynski, who only recently became the new head of the Polish delegation at the behest of the party leader, does not have a promising place on the list. In contrast, the two former secret service chiefs Mariusz Kamiński and Maciej Wąsik, who were imprisoned under the new government but pardoned by Polish President Duda, have good chances. Ryszard Czarnecki has also regained a promising place on the list. Ryszard Czarnecki was caught by the EU anti-fraud agency OLAF because he had falsely declared dozens of business trips from south-eastern Poland to Parliament by car. He had to reimburse the Parliament more than €100,000. The PiS currently has 25 MEPs in the European Parliament. It is expected that 20 PiS MEPs will return. mgr

All texts on the 2024 European elections can be found here.

Schirdewan: What the left intends to do after the election

The co-leader of the Left Party in the European Parliament, Martin Schirdewan, rules out participating in a coalition in favor of Ursula von der Leyen after the European elections. The CDU politician and the parliamentary groups in the so-called Ursula coalition stand for a different policy to that of the Left, Schirdewan said on Friday at an event organized by Table.Briefings and the European Movement Germany. “That is why we will be unable to be part of this coalition under any circumstances.“

So far, von der Leyen has relied on an alliance of the European People’s Party, the Social Democrats and the Liberals (Renew) as EU Commission President. She pushed some of her legislative proposals through Parliament, in particular from the Green Deal, with the help of a left-wing majority of the S&D, Renew, Greens and Left. According to the latest election forecasts, she is no longer likely to have this option, as Renew and the Greens in particular could lose a number of seats.

Criticism of ‘power tactical calculation’

Von der Leyen is therefore not ruling out cooperation with national-conservative forces in the ECR parliamentary group. Schirdewan criticizes this as a “power tactical calculation.” Von der Leyen is “unabashedly” opening the door to the far right when she makes open advances towards Italy’s Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni and the ECR. The latter is made up of extreme right-wing parties such as the Sweden Democrats or the Spanish Vox.

The leading candidate of the German Left accused von der Leyen of always being “blind in the social eye” when dealing with the crises during her time in office. At the beginning of the legislature, the CDU politician told the left-wing parliamentary group that she wanted to tax large corporations properly. Ultimately, however, nothing happened here. She also paid too little attention to social issues in the Green Deal, for example, tenants would have to bear the costs of energy-efficient refurbishment. tho

All texts on the 2024 European elections can be found here.

Attack on SPD MP: Ecke wants to continue election campaign

The SPD MEP Matthias Ecke was attacked and seriously injured while putting up election posters.

Matthias Ecke, the Saxon MEP who was beaten until hospitalized while putting up election posters, has received cross-party solidarity. Parliament President Roberta Metsola wrote on X: “Horrified by the vicious attack. My full support and solidarity. Those responsible must be brought to justice. Matthias, the European Parliament stands by your side.”

Ecke was attacked on Friday evening in Dresden by four young men who had previously attacked Green Party election workers. The 41-year-old was seriously injured and had to undergo surgery. The attacker broke his cheekbone and eye socket. It is now said that Ecke intends to continue the election campaign. Ecke entered the European Parliament as a successor in October and is running in the promising tenth place on the SPD’s national list. One of the four attackers, a 17-year-old, has since handed himself to the police. An arrest warrant has not been issued. mgr

Renaissance list: Who Macron wants to send to the European Parliament

Five weeks before the European elections, Emmanuel Macron’s French Liberals have published their list. The candidates running behind lead candidate Valérie Hayer are:

Bernard Guetta
Marie-Pierre Vedrenne
Pascal Canfin
Nathalie Loiseau
Sandro Gozi
Fabienne Keller
Grégory Allione
Laurence Farreng
Gilles Boyer

With Bernard Guetta in second place, Emmanuel Macron underlines the importance of defense and security. The former journalist is an expert on international issues and is also well-known to the public. Nathalie Loiseau in fifth place is also concerned with these issues. She comes from the camp of former Prime Minister Edouard Philippe, who is still popular.

Pascal Canfin, head of the Environment Committee and one of the last green advocates in Macron’s camp, has landed in a safe fourth place on the list. The former leader of the French Greens fought for the Green Deal during the election period. During the farmers’ protests, he was heavily criticized by farmers’ associations. Christophe Grudler, an important supporter of nuclear energy in the European Parliament, is in 12th place. Renaissance currently has 23 MEPs and can expect to win 12 to 15 seats, according to the polls.

Renaissance is doing worse in the polls than in 2019. Five years ago, Renaissance received 22.5 percent of the vote and is now at 15.5 percent, 3.5 percent less than in February. In the polls, the Socialists led by MEP Raphaël Glucksmann are in third place with 12 percent. The far-right Rassemblement national has 32 percent – two percent more than in February. cst

All texts on the 2024 European elections can be found here.

Start-ups: How the EU should support young tech companies

What exactly is a start-up? There is not even a precise definition for young technology companies that develop innovative products and services. However, Bitkom and other European digital associations are urgently calling for a uniform European definition. Only with a common data basis are effective benchmarking and performance measurement possible.

In the run-up to the 2024 European elections, European digital associations are calling for further far-reaching reforms to the EU’s start-up and scale-up policy. Under the motto “StartUp TakeOff,” they have published guidelines for the upcoming legislative period. In addition to a uniform definition, the associations’ key demands include the creation of a central body within the EU institutions to drive forward a uniform start-up policy.

German start-ups find funding programs helpful

“It is not enough to emphasize the importance of start-ups for the economy and society in the run-up to the upcoming EU elections. After the elections, a few, but very concrete and powerful measures must be implemented,” said Bitkom President Ralf Wintergerst.

The majority of tech start-ups in Germany are convinced that the EU must do more to support start-ups in the current difficult economic climate. So the result of a survey of 172 tech start-ups commissioned by Bitkom. 87 percent said that expanding and strengthening funding programs would be helpful for their start-up. 84 percent would like to see the supply of venture capital in Europe strengthened, for example, through incentives for institutional investors.

For 81 percent, simplified market access to other EU countries would be helpful, for example through a further harmonized internal market or a uniform legal form for start-ups across the EU. “Start-ups from European countries still have the disadvantage of a highly fragmented internal market compared to competitors from Asia or the USA,” said Wintergerst. The EU is squandering too many opportunities with unnecessary bureaucracy and fragmentation.

Start-ups want own commissioner

The digital associations made a total of eight demands of the EU:

Appointment of an EU Commissioner for Start-ups: Development of a uniform start-up/scale-up strategy that addresses financing, regulation and market access
Uniform startup definition: creation of a consistent database
Promoting research transfer: building infrastructure and providing funding to create a European deep tech ecosystem
Simplification of financing, IPOs and exit strategies: creating funds and conditions that facilitate access to financing and support IPOs and exit strategies for start-ups
State-guaranteed contracts for major start-up successes: introduction of contracts that support start-ups in minimizing entrepreneurial risks
Creation of an EU-wide legal form for start-ups: facilitating cross-border activities and reducing the administrative burden
Talent acquisition and Employee Stock Ownership Plan (ESOP) management: simplifying visa processes and harmonizing ESOPs to attract and retain top talent
B2G support: facilitating access to public contracts and markets for start-ups and promoting the digitalization of the public sector. vis

All texts on the 2024 European elections can be found here.

Crisis management: What aid instruments the Commission is prolonging

Due to persistent market disturbances in agriculture and fisheries, the Commission is once again extending certain aid instruments in Germany. This concerns the Temporary Crisis and Transition Framework (TCTF), which expires at the end of June. Parts of it will now apply until the end of December.

The extension relates to the production of agricultural products and the fisheries and aquaculture sector. Member States can grant limited aid to companies in these sectors until the end of the year.

De minimis regulation is being revised

The Commission is also initiating a revision of the de minimis regulation. This is being done with reference to inflation in recent years and high commodity prices, which also affect agriculture. This regulation exempts small amounts of aid in the agricultural sector from state aid control. It is assumed that they have no impact on competition and trade in the internal market.

Member States may grant support of up to €20,000 per beneficiary to companies in the agricultural sector over three years without prior notification to the Commission. Under certain circumstances, it is €25,000 – for this, the Member State must have a central register of de minimis aid.

The de minimis rules for agriculture were last revised in 2019. A further revision is required before they expire on December 31, 2027. mgr

Freedom or servitude – Europe faces fateful years

From Henning Völpel

Henning Völpel is a board member of the Center for European Politics (Cep).

“Our Europe can die!” – French President Emmanuel Macron onceagain put it this drastically in his recent speech at the Sorbonne. In fact, the turning point – and this is important in order to understand the historical significance of current developments – means a profound crisis of order for Europe, which, in Macron’s words, implies a question of existence.

Peace, freedom and prosperity are under far more acute threat than many still want to admit. War has returned to Europe, the rules-based order of globalization is falling apart, new technologies and climate change are disrupting the markets and value chains of the future. The sovereignty and competitiveness of the EU must be fundamentally renewed.

EU in need of reform

However, the EU is not politically and institutionally made for a world in disarray; its strategic capacity to act is structurally limited due to its treaties and governance: The unanimity rule and state aid law, essential pillars of the EU, are in urgent need of reform under these conditions. The current regulatory approach and the strong internal focus are no longer sufficient to meet global challenges. Strategic capability and speed of action must be drastically increased.

In the global system competition with China, the USA and the global South, it is a question of defensibility, technology leadership, infrastructure sovereignty and innovation capability. There are enormous deficits in all of these areas. Europe is facing fateful years. If it wants to help shape the world of tomorrow and protect its interests and values, Europe must reinvent itself, as the continent has done so often in its history, but must now prove once again. The five points of an agenda for the 21st century are as follows:

Conventional and hybrid wars require the EU to quickly and systematically build a comprehensive defense and security union (DSU). But that sounds easier than it is. National security remains closely linked to parliamentary legitimacy and the chain of command. Joint procurement and financing are a first step, but there is still a long way to go to achieve a genuine DSU.

In a world of geopolitical fragmentation of the global economy, the European Single Market is the EU’s most important asset. China and the USA in particular are fighting with all their might and all their means, but without rules, for hegemonic dominance over strategic raw materials and technologies. Establishing a geo-economic protective shield for greater supply security and resilience, without invoking protectionism and autarky, is an important task for the coming years.

Technology and infrastructure sovereignty are essential sources of strategic sovereignty. The EU urgently needs to regain them if it does not want to end up as a digital colony of China and the USA – despite the DMA, DSA and AI Act – which have long dominated AI-based business models, infrastructures and value chains.

Completing the Capital Markets Union is one of the EU’s most important tasks in the coming legislative period. Broad access to capital market financing, especially venture capital, is a crucial prerequisite for mobilizing private capital for investments in innovation and infrastructure. This also includes a stable currency and public finances.

The EU must no longer be perceived as a regulatory world champion and bureaucratic monster but as an economic area of technological innovation and entrepreneurial freedom. Europe’s greatest strength in global systemic competition, its values of pluralism, maturity and freedom, has so far remained untapped.

Ultimately, however, all of this will only be possible if the EU has the political courage and historical vision to see the turning point as an existential opportunity for Europe. In a series of eight strategy papers, the Center for European Policy (Cep) sheds light on the major challenges facing the EU and how the right answers can turn them into opportunities.

Henning Völpel is a board member of the Center for European Policy (Cep)

EUROPE.TABLE EDITORIAL OFFICE

Till
Hoppe

Sarah
Schaefer

Lukas
Knigge

Corinna
Visser

Markus
Grabitz

Alina
Leimbach

Eric
Bonse

Manuel
Berkel

Stephan
Israel

Claire
Stam

János
Allenbach-Ammann

Dear reader,

Ursula von der Leyen needs to switch roles perfectly these days. One day she is the lead candidate for the Christian Democratic EPP. Therefore, she is campaigning. At the same time, she is required to take a polemical and party-political stance. Then she has to slip back into the role of Commission President. She is now the head of the powerful Brussels authority and must follow the official EU line.

Like today, when she takes part in the summit talks between French President Emmanuel Macron and Chinese President Xi Jinping in Paris. These talks will also address the tensions between the EU and China on trade issues. Paris had insisted that electric vehicles imported from China be subject to an anti-dumping investigation. The Commission responsible for trade policy complied with the request and insistence.

The Commission is expected to impose punitive tariffs in the coming weeks provisionally. The President of the Commission committed herself to punitive tariffs early on. She met with skepticism from German manufacturers. It will be interesting to see whether details of the dispute over car imports emerge from today’s meeting. Have a good start to the week!

Your
Markus Grabitz

Transfer market: How the EPP Group wants to grow through new members

By

Markus Grabitz

The names of the 720 members of the new European Parliament will not be finalized until two or three days after the last polling stations in the EU close on the evening of June 9. The exciting phase of group formation will then begin. Will new political groups be formed – possibly through mergers? What changes will there be between the political groups? Many individual parties from the Member States will only decide which group they join in the weeks leading up to the constitution of the tenth parliamentary term on July 16.

Over 200 parties are represented in the European Parliament in the ninth parliamentary term that is coming to an end. Most of them have joined one of the seven political groups (EPP, S&D, Renew, Greens, ECR, ID, Left). In addition, 51 of the current 705 MEPs are non-attached. According to the Rules of Procedure of the European Parliament, at least 25 MEPs from at least seven Member States must come together to form a political group.

Size is the deciding factor in item allocation

If a parliamentary group succeeds in recruiting new national parties on the transfer market, this means more power. The more members a parliamentary group has, the more posts in the parliamentary presidency and committee chairs it can claim. The balance of power between the political groups will become important in the first few days after Parliament is constituted when MEPs vote on the posts of President of Parliament and President of the Commission.

Observers assume there will be even more movement this time than in 2019, with at least 62 parties running in the European elections that did not even exist in the last European elections. In the weeks leading up to the election, the political groups are keeping a low profile regarding possible new entrants. There is already a lot of talk behind the scenes.

The first decisions on formal admissions to the political groups are expected in the second week after the election. Time will then be pressing. There are only five weeks after the election before Parliament is constituted. The size of the parliamentary groups must be determined before then, which will likely be at the beginning of July so that preparations for the committee formations can begin.

EVP

The largest group in the current Parliament is the EPP with currently 177 MEPs. Political scientist Manuel Müller from the Finnish Institute of International Affairs, who regularly prepares the seat projection “If European elections were next Sunday…” for Table.Briefings, expects the EPP to slip slightly to 173 seats but could reach 181 seats through transfers.

Péter Magyar’s Tisza party from Hungary has announced that it will join the EPP. In the opinion polls, it is being traded with three seats. One seat each could come from the Liberal Alliance from Denmark, the Farmers and Citizens Movement (BBB) from the Netherlands and the Romanian Right Force (FD) led by former head of government Ludovic Orban.

Also under discussion are the Czech ODS and the NVA from Flanders, which currently belong to the ECR and could each provide three MEPs according to the seat projection. However, the Spanish PP has reservations about the NVA joining, as the NVA is separatist.

S&D

The socialist S&D group currently has 140 seats in Parliament. According to the seat projection, it could fall to 132 seats. It could increase slightly to 134 seats through accessions. In addition, the socialist PES party family apparently wants to rehabilitate the suspended member parties from Slovakia, HLAS and SMER. Both parties were suspended because they supported the Slovakian government led by left-wing populist and Putin friend Robert Fico. They could be represented in Strasbourg with a total of seven MEPs. However, there is also resistance to rehabilitation from within the parliamentary group.

Right-wing factions

The most interesting question is whether forces from the two right-wing groups EKR and ID, possibly including Viktor Orbán’s currently non-attached Fidesz, will unite to form a strong right-wing group. EKR currently has 68 MEPs, ID 59 seats. Fidesz has twelve seats. According to seat projections, EKR and ID can expect to gain 81 and 83 seats respectively.

The decisive factor is likely to be whether the Polish PiS and the Italian Fratelli d’Italia, which form the two pillars of the ECR, resolve their dispute over direction or split up for good. Mateusz Morawiecki, former Prime Minister of Poland and strong man in the PiS, repeatedly invited Fidesz to the ECR. However, some other member parties, such as the Czech ODS or the Sweden Democrats, vehemently reject cooperation with Putin supporters.

ECR leader Giorgia Meloni has so far avoided taking a clear position herself. In addition, Marine Le Pen’s Rassemblement national, which sets the tone in the ID parliamentary group, seems to want to push the German AfD out. However, it is unlikely that the ID and EKR will merge completely – if only because of the domestic rivalries between the Rassemblement (ID) and the Reconquete (EKR) led by Éric Zemmour or between Fratelli d’Italia (EKR) and Matteo Salvini’s Lega (ID).

Greens

According to the seat projection, the Green parliamentary group will likely shrink from currently 72 to 51 seats. It could grow again to 53 seats through new members. However, it remains to be seen where the previously non-attached 5 Star Movement from Italy, which could gain up to 14 seats according to the polls, will go. Three of its MPs had already joined the Greens in the last parliamentary term, but will not return. Talks between the Greens and the 5 Stars about joining the parliamentary group were unsuccessful. The party could now seek to join the parliamentary group of the Left. The Sahra Wagenknecht alliance is currently trying to win over the movement for a new joint parliamentary group.

In return, the Greens are hoping for reinforcements from Spain via Sumar. The movement, which has replaced Podemos, could have four to five MEPs in Strasbourg. Around half could go to the Greens, while the other half will be part of the left-wing group.

Left

The left is likely to remain fairly stable after the European elections. Among the larger blocs in the parliamentary group, the only question is whether the Greek Syriza party will remain or switch to the Social Democrats. The party of former prime minister Alexis Tsipras has split, with the new chairman Stefanos Kasselakis seeing Syriza as a party that covers the spectrum from social democracy to the Greens to the left.

Renew

There are no major increases or decreases in the Renew Group, which is expected to lose around a tenth of its seats and can expect 86 seats according to the latest projection. In the meantime, a switch of the Free Voters’ MPs to the ECR had been discussed. However, this seems to be off the table.

All texts on the 2024 European elections can be found here.

What the PiS list reveals about the power struggle within the party

Contrary to expectations, the Polish PiS has not only nominated supporters of party leader Jarosław Kaczyński on promising list positions for the European elections. Of the candidates in the top 20 places, more than half are considered critical of Putin and in cooperation with Hungary’s Fidesz.

PiS is the strongest group in the conservative ECR group, ahead of Giorgia Meloni’s Fratelli d’Italia. PiS politician and former Polish Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki has repeatedly suggested cooperation between the EKR and Fidesz. Two camps within the PiS are battling over whether the PiS should work together with Fidesz in the European Parliament. Observers see the list as a sign that the power struggle has not yet been decided.

Former Secret Service chiefs nominated

Dominik Tarczynski, who only recently became the new head of the Polish delegation at the behest of the party leader, does not have a promising place on the list. In contrast, the two former secret service chiefs Mariusz Kamiński and Maciej Wąsik, who were imprisoned under the new government but pardoned by Polish President Duda, have good chances. Ryszard Czarnecki has also regained a promising place on the list. Ryszard Czarnecki was caught by the EU anti-fraud agency OLAF because he had falsely declared dozens of business trips from south-eastern Poland to Parliament by car. He had to reimburse the Parliament more than €100,000. The PiS currently has 25 MEPs in the European Parliament. It is expected that 20 PiS MEPs will return. mgr

All texts on the 2024 European elections can be found here.

Schirdewan: What the left intends to do after the election

The co-leader of the Left Party in the European Parliament, Martin Schirdewan, rules out participating in a coalition in favor of Ursula von der Leyen after the European elections. The CDU politician and the parliamentary groups in the so-called Ursula coalition stand for a different policy to that of the Left, Schirdewan said on Friday at an event organized by Table.Briefings and the European Movement Germany. “That is why we will be unable to be part of this coalition under any circumstances.“

So far, von der Leyen has relied on an alliance of the European People’s Party, the Social Democrats and the Liberals (Renew) as EU Commission President. She pushed some of her legislative proposals through Parliament, in particular from the Green Deal, with the help of a left-wing majority of the S&D, Renew, Greens and Left. According to the latest election forecasts, she is no longer likely to have this option, as Renew and the Greens in particular could lose a number of seats.

Criticism of ‘power tactical calculation’

Von der Leyen is therefore not ruling out cooperation with national-conservative forces in the ECR parliamentary group. Schirdewan criticizes this as a “power tactical calculation.” Von der Leyen is “unabashedly” opening the door to the far right when she makes open advances towards Italy’s Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni and the ECR. The latter is made up of extreme right-wing parties such as the Sweden Democrats or the Spanish Vox.

The leading candidate of the German Left accused von der Leyen of always being “blind in the social eye” when dealing with the crises during her time in office. At the beginning of the legislature, the CDU politician told the left-wing parliamentary group that she wanted to tax large corporations properly. Ultimately, however, nothing happened here. She also paid too little attention to social issues in the Green Deal, for example, tenants would have to bear the costs of energy-efficient refurbishment. tho

All texts on the 2024 European elections can be found here.

Attack on SPD MP: Ecke wants to continue election campaign

Matthias Ecke, the Saxon MEP who was beaten until hospitalized while putting up election posters, has received cross-party solidarity. Parliament President Roberta Metsola wrote on X: “Horrified by the vicious attack. My full support and solidarity. Those responsible must be brought to justice. Matthias, the European Parliament stands by your side.”

Ecke was attacked on Friday evening in Dresden by four young men who had previously attacked Green Party election workers. The 41-year-old was seriously injured and had to undergo surgery. The attacker broke his cheekbone and eye socket. It is now said that Ecke intends to continue the election campaign. Ecke entered the European Parliament as a successor in October and is running in the promising tenth place on the SPD’s national list. One of the four attackers, a 17-year-old, has since handed himself to the police. An arrest warrant has not been issued. mgr

Renaissance list: Who Macron wants to send to the European Parliament

Five weeks before the European elections, Emmanuel Macron’s French Liberals have published their list. The candidates running behind lead candidate Valérie Hayer are:

Bernard Guetta
Marie-Pierre Vedrenne
Pascal Canfin
Nathalie Loiseau
Sandro Gozi
Fabienne Keller
Grégory Allione
Laurence Farreng
Gilles Boyer

With Bernard Guetta in second place, Emmanuel Macron underlines the importance of defense and security. The former journalist is an expert on international issues and is also well-known to the public. Nathalie Loiseau in fifth place is also concerned with these issues. She comes from the camp of former Prime Minister Edouard Philippe, who is still popular.

Pascal Canfin, head of the Environment Committee and one of the last green advocates in Macron’s camp, has landed in a safe fourth place on the list. The former leader of the French Greens fought for the Green Deal during the election period. During the farmers’ protests, he was heavily criticized by farmers’ associations. Christophe Grudler, an important supporter of nuclear energy in the European Parliament, is in 12th place. Renaissance currently has 23 MEPs and can expect to win 12 to 15 seats, according to the polls.

Renaissance is doing worse in the polls than in 2019. Five years ago, Renaissance received 22.5 percent of the vote and is now at 15.5 percent, 3.5 percent less than in February. In the polls, the Socialists led by MEP Raphaël Glucksmann are in third place with 12 percent. The far-right Rassemblement national has 32 percent – two percent more than in February. cst

All texts on the 2024 European elections can be found here.

Start-ups: How the EU should support young tech companies

What exactly is a start-up? There is not even a precise definition for young technology companies that develop innovative products and services. However, Bitkom and other European digital associations are urgently calling for a uniform European definition. Only with a common data basis are effective benchmarking and performance measurement possible.

In the run-up to the 2024 European elections, European digital associations are calling for further far-reaching reforms to the EU’s start-up and scale-up policy. Under the motto “StartUp TakeOff,” they have published guidelines for the upcoming legislative period. In addition to a uniform definition, the associations’ key demands include the creation of a central body within the EU institutions to drive forward a uniform start-up policy.

German start-ups find funding programs helpful

“It is not enough to emphasize the importance of start-ups for the economy and society in the run-up to the upcoming EU elections. After the elections, a few, but very concrete and powerful measures must be implemented,” said Bitkom President Ralf Wintergerst.

The majority of tech start-ups in Germany are convinced that the EU must do more to support start-ups in the current difficult economic climate. So the result of a survey of 172 tech start-ups commissioned by Bitkom. 87 percent said that expanding and strengthening funding programs would be helpful for their start-up. 84 percent would like to see the supply of venture capital in Europe strengthened, for example, through incentives for institutional investors.

For 81 percent, simplified market access to other EU countries would be helpful, for example through a further harmonized internal market or a uniform legal form for start-ups across the EU. “Start-ups from European countries still have the disadvantage of a highly fragmented internal market compared to competitors from Asia or the USA,” said Wintergerst. The EU is squandering too many opportunities with unnecessary bureaucracy and fragmentation.

Start-ups want own commissioner

The digital associations made a total of eight demands of the EU:

Appointment of an EU Commissioner for Start-ups: Development of a uniform start-up/scale-up strategy that addresses financing, regulation and market access
Uniform startup definition: creation of a consistent database
Promoting research transfer: building infrastructure and providing funding to create a European deep tech ecosystem
Simplification of financing, IPOs and exit strategies: creating funds and conditions that facilitate access to financing and support IPOs and exit strategies for start-ups
State-guaranteed contracts for major start-up successes: introduction of contracts that support start-ups in minimizing entrepreneurial risks
Creation of an EU-wide legal form for start-ups: facilitating cross-border activities and reducing the administrative burden
Talent acquisition and Employee Stock Ownership Plan (ESOP) management: simplifying visa processes and harmonizing ESOPs to attract and retain top talent
B2G support: facilitating access to public contracts and markets for start-ups and promoting the digitalization of the public sector. vis

All texts on the 2024 European elections can be found here.

Crisis management: What aid instruments the Commission is prolonging

Due to persistent market disturbances in agriculture and fisheries, the Commission is once again extending certain aid instruments in Germany. This concerns the Temporary Crisis and Transition Framework (TCTF), which expires at the end of June. Parts of it will now apply until the end of December.

The extension relates to the production of agricultural products and the fisheries and aquaculture sector. Member States can grant limited aid to companies in these sectors until the end of the year.

De minimis regulation is being revised

The Commission is also initiating a revision of the de minimis regulation. This is being done with reference to inflation in recent years and high commodity prices, which also affect agriculture. This regulation exempts small amounts of aid in the agricultural sector from state aid control. It is assumed that they have no impact on competition and trade in the internal market.

Member States may grant support of up to €20,000 per beneficiary to companies in the agricultural sector over three years without prior notification to the Commission. Under certain circumstances, it is €25,000 – for this, the Member State must have a central register of de minimis aid.

The de minimis rules for agriculture were last revised in 2019. A further revision is required before they expire on December 31, 2027. mgr

Freedom or servitude – Europe faces fateful years

From Henning Völpel

“Our Europe can die!” – French President Emmanuel Macron onceagain put it this drastically in his recent speech at the Sorbonne. In fact, the turning point – and this is important in order to understand the historical significance of current developments – means a profound crisis of order for Europe, which, in Macron’s words, implies a question of existence.

Peace, freedom and prosperity are under far more acute threat than many still want to admit. War has returned to Europe, the rules-based order of globalization is falling apart, new technologies and climate change are disrupting the markets and value chains of the future. The sovereignty and competitiveness of the EU must be fundamentally renewed.

EU in need of reform

However, the EU is not politically and institutionally made for a world in disarray; its strategic capacity to act is structurally limited due to its treaties and governance: The unanimity rule and state aid law, essential pillars of the EU, are in urgent need of reform under these conditions. The current regulatory approach and the strong internal focus are no longer sufficient to meet global challenges. Strategic capability and speed of action must be drastically increased.

In the global system competition with China, the USA and the global South, it is a question of defensibility, technology leadership, infrastructure sovereignty and innovation capability. There are enormous deficits in all of these areas. Europe is facing fateful years. If it wants to help shape the world of tomorrow and protect its interests and values, Europe must reinvent itself, as the continent has done so often in its history, but must now prove once again. The five points of an agenda for the 21st century are as follows:

Conventional and hybrid wars require the EU to quickly and systematically build a comprehensive defense and security union (DSU). But that sounds easier than it is. National security remains closely linked to parliamentary legitimacy and the chain of command. Joint procurement and financing are a first step, but there is still a long way to go to achieve a genuine DSU.

In a world of geopolitical fragmentation of the global economy, the European Single Market is the EU’s most important asset. China and the USA in particular are fighting with all their might and all their means, but without rules, for hegemonic dominance over strategic raw materials and technologies. Establishing a geo-economic protective shield for greater supply security and resilience, without invoking protectionism and autarky, is an important task for the coming years.

Technology and infrastructure sovereignty are essential sources of strategic sovereignty. The EU urgently needs to regain them if it does not want to end up as a digital colony of China and the USA – despite the DMA, DSA and AI Act – which have long dominated AI-based business models, infrastructures and value chains.

Completing the Capital Markets Union is one of the EU’s most important tasks in the coming legislative period. Broad access to capital market financing, especially venture capital, is a crucial prerequisite for mobilizing private capital for investments in innovation and infrastructure. This also includes a stable currency and public finances.

The EU must no longer be perceived as a regulatory world champion and bureaucratic monster but as an economic area of technological innovation and entrepreneurial freedom. Europe’s greatest strength in global systemic competition, its values of pluralism, maturity and freedom, has so far remained untapped.

Ultimately, however, all of this will only be possible if the EU has the political courage and historical vision to see the turning point as an existential opportunity for Europe. In a series of eight strategy papers, the Center for European Policy (Cep) sheds light on the major challenges facing the EU and how the right answers can turn them into opportunities.

Henning Völpel is a board member of the Center for European Policy (Cep)