A special kind of encounter awaits CDU delegates today. Ursula von der Leyen and Markus Söder will speak about the future of Europe in quick succession at the federal party conference. This makes a direct, potentially delicate comparison possible.
On the one hand, the still-EU Commission President is expected to score a victory on June 9, which will also give the CDU and CSU the hoped-for starting position for the state elections in the fall and the federal elections in 2025. On the other hand, there is hardly a politician who is as controversial in the CDU and even more so in the CSU as von der Leyen.
As Minister for Family Affairs, she pestered many in the CDU/CSU with parental allowance and daycare expansion. As Commission President, she primarily promoted the Green Deal, which caused a great deal of pain for many in the CDU/CSU. Nevertheless, there was no other option for Friedrich Merz and the CSU. You won’t get an incumbent president again so quickly.
And so the Union has to cheer them on today – and Söder has to do what is not easy for him: act like a team player.
The Greens want to work together with Christian Democrats, Socialists and Liberals after the European elections. This claim is being made unequivocally by leading politicians of the European Greens in these final weeks before the elections. Unlike in the current mandate, in which the Greens were not part of the informal Von-der-Leyen coalition, this time they want to have a say both in the distribution of posts and in the substantive priorities.
Much depends on the election result. If, as the current seat projection suggests, the Christian Democrats, Socialists and Liberals have a comfortable majority, the Greens’ votes may not even be needed for Ursula von der Leyen’s re-election. However, should it be close, the Greens will probably have a seat at the table.
Behind closed doors, a leading European Green states the condition for joining a second Von der Leyen coalition: “If we are part of the game, then we want to get something out of it.”
The German Greens have a similar view. After the election, they will have to work together with the EPP in the European Parliament, otherwise they will no longer be taken seriously, says one person from Berlin, for example, who keeps a very close eye on European politics. The Greens must have a say, if only to save the Green Deal. “If we don’t join in, we shouldn’t be surprised if the Green signature is missing afterwards.”
The Christian Democrats would negotiate an informal coalition with the Socialists, Liberals and perhaps the Greens. The Christian Democrats have the most weight to throw into the balance because, according to the polls, they are once again the strongest force.
EPP leader Manfred Weber is not someone who categorically rejects the Greens. Unlike his CDU/CSU colleagues Friedrich Merz or Markus Söder, he has not been heard ranting against the party – not even in Bavarian beer tents. And yet he has reservations as to whether there can be common ground with the Greens beyond agreements on personnel.
During the expired mandate, the Greens had always sat at the table, made maximum demands and thus shaped the outcome of the negotiations. And when it came to swearing an oath in parliament, they repeatedly refused to vote on important dossiers.
“The Greens have got bogged down in an ideological opposition role”, Weber tells Table.Briefings. The EPP’s door had always been open, but in the end, the Greens had largely opted for blockade politics. With very few exceptions, the Green group voted completely against the migration package, and the reform of the Stability and Growth Pact also fell through with them.
The Greens in Europe are more radical than many Greens in Germany. They are worlds apart from the Kretschmann Greens in the south-west, with whom the Christian Democrats would get on well. On asylum and migration policy, for example, there is a major conflict between the German and European Greens: when the package was voted on in the European Parliament, Minister Annalena Baerbock explicitly campaigned for its adoption.
The European Parliamentary Group was not impressed by this: In the mini-plenary in Brussels, well-known Greens such as Terry Reintke, Rasmus Andresen and Anna Cavazzini voted against it. Even the solidarity mechanism, the redistribution between the Member States, was not supported. The only exception among the prominent Greens was Bas Eickhout, co-lead candidate and presumed future co-leader of the parliamentary group: He voted in favor of the package.
“In doing so, they are failing to prove that they are playing a constructive role in Europe”, says Weber. He is trying to draw them out of the corner: “I hope they change course, but it remains a mortgage.” The policy areas of defense, trade, AI and cutting red tape in the single market are also considered difficult.
The Greens defend themselves against this accusation. A top Green says: “It is nonsense that we only delivered pure Green.” A number of Green Deal laws had been passed with Green support, in some cases even against the opposition of the Christian Democrats. But they were not part of the informal coalition: “But no one can blame us if we were not part of the negotiations.”
This time, the Greens want to sit at the negotiating table. However, there are concerns not only about migration policy. In the last mandate, the Greens completely rejected the compromise on the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP). The EPP, Liberals and Socialists are in favor of the coexistence of conventional and organic farming and continue to want an area premium to secure farmers’ incomes.
The Greens, on the other hand, take a completely different approach: They focus more on organic farming and want to subsidize organic services. The issue of food security plays a subordinate role for them. They want to reduce the high livestock numbers. In the upcoming mandate, Parliament will decide on the next CAP, which will shape the sector until 2035. A compromise is difficult to imagine.
There are also likely to be conflicts over issues such as animal welfare and animal transportation. Whether the Habitats Directive will be opened up and the high standard of protection for wolves and other formerly endangered animal species will be lowered is also controversial. An experienced agricultural politician from the EPP says: “Agriculture would be the core conflict in any cooperation with the Greens.”
In terms of industrial policy, there are some major differences, but also room for cooperation between the Greens, EPP, Liberals and S&D. While Christian Democrats and Socialists voted predominantly in favor of the Net-Zero Industry Act (NZIA), the Greens voted against it or abstained. They therefore refused to give their approval to the European plan to support green technologies “Made in Europe”. Even the solar and wind industries welcomed the NZIA.
Instead, Green Party lead candidate Bas Eickhout, industrial policy expert Michael Bloss and Belgian MEP Sara Matthieu have presented their ideas for a Green Industrial Deal. Above all, they are calling for more funding for the ramp-up of green technologies as well as an incentive policy via quotas and regulation.
EPP industrial policy expert Christian Ehler countered this at an event organized by Table.Briefings and Europe-Calling. He strictly rejects further regulatory requirements for industry and certain technologies and instead wants a competition-based approach by strengthening the market. He considers the Greens’ industrial policy to be “dreaming”. “We will not be able to finance transformation processes with public funds.”
However, parts of the green plan are definitely in the interests of the EPP, for example a tax policy that favors low-emission technologies – along the lines of the incentive-oriented model of the US Inflation Reduction Act (IRA). The EPP would also like financial resources to support the industry – for example from the ETS. “If you have emissions trading and generate revenue from it, you should use the funds to invest”, says Ehler.
More earmarked revenue from the ETS will not fail because of the Greens, but because of the member states. They would rather have the money for their tight budgets. There would therefore be room for industrial policy compromises between the Greens and the EPP.
Xi Jinping’s visit to Serbia coincides with the 25th anniversary of the bombing of Beijing’s embassy in Belgrade by the US Air Force. What kind of political signal does China’s President want to send with this?
The bombing of the embassy is the cornerstone of the Serbian-Chinese friendship – even if the relationship has only really become closer in the last 10 to 15 years. The fact that both sides reference it so much reflects Serbia’s and China’s frustration with Western hegemony, but also the supposed injustice of NATO’s intervention in Kosovo. Even back then, China supported the Serbian position against Kosovo’s independence. Criticism of the West is therefore clearly in the foreground.
What role does Xi Jinping’s visit to Belgrade on the anniversary of the bombing play for Serbia?
In Serbia’s eyes, China has become the most important international partner. Serbia has been defining its foreign policy through various pillars for some time now: relations with Russia, China, the USA and the European Union. Since the pandemic, China has become the most important partner. This is because Russia has brought fewer economic benefits since the start of the war in Ukraine. But EU enlargement and the European perspective are also seen as less attractive in Serbia. The visit on the anniversary of the bombing also emphasizes the Serbian narrative of the past, which sees itself as a victim of the NATO intervention and not as a perpetrator in Kosovo.
Have you deliberately chosen the order of Russia, China, the USA, and the EU? The EU comes last here.
Yes, from Serbia’s perspective, the relationship with the EU is really considered to be the least important right now. Economically, the EU is still important for Serbia, but not politically. The media, most of which are controlled by President Aleksandar Vučić, are clearly dominated by anti-Western imagery. China, on the other hand, is portrayed very positively.
Does that mean China is also encouraging Serbia, with its certain outsider role, to feel part of its anti-Western bloc with Russia?
Absolutely. And if you look at the fact that the only visit besides France is dedicated to Hungary, another enfant terrible, China is sending a clear signal that it is turning against Brussels. China is not looking at its economically most important partner countries, but at those with the most political heft.
How is China perceived in Serbia?
There is a very contradictory picture in Serbia. On the one hand, China is seen as a strong supporter of Serbia regarding its Kosovo policy. That is the reason for the strong statements repeatedly made by President Vučić and other Serbian politicians, who emphasize that Taiwan belongs to China – just as Kosovo belongs to Serbia. On the other hand, there is a negative image of China, a country with poor working conditions, where entire areas are polluted and destroyed. So, there is a certain amount of criticism of China.
China is building a railroad line between Belgrade and Budapest – another sign of a new axis that strengthens Beijing?
At the moment, this may indeed fit together quite well. However, the main reason for this route is still of an economic nature. This route is a line that will run from Piraeus to Western Europe. It is intended to connect the Greek port, which is in Chinese hands, with the European markets. From the Chinese point of view, that is almost more important than backing Vučić and Orbán.
To what extent are Russia and China working together in the Balkans?
Xi Jinping’s visit to Belgrade is clearly anti-Western. Of course, this also pleases Putin and weakens the EU there. In this respect, Russia is an indirect beneficiary of this policy. At the same time, however, China has overtaken Russia as the main player in Serbia, and that naturally hurts Russia.
Florian Bieber is a Professor of Southeast European History and Politics at the University of Graz and Director of the Center for Southeast European Studies. Bieber has taught in Hungary and lived in Belgrade, among other places. He is the author of the book “Pulverfass Balkan” (Ch. Links Verlag, 2023).
An alliance of civil society organizations is calling for more transparency and participation in the preparation of Mario Draghi’s report on Europe’s competitiveness. The report will have an enormous impact on the mandate of the next EU Commission and the future of the EU, the 13 NGOs write in an open letter to the former ECB President and Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, which will be published on Wednesday. “We are therefore very concerned about the lack of transparency and access to the process of drafting this report.”
Von der Leyen commissioned Draghi to compile the report in the fall. Draghi intends to publish his findings after the European elections in June. The report is eagerly awaited, as the words of the former Italian Prime Minister carry great political weight.
Draghi last gave an insight into his thoughts at an appearance in La Hulpe in mid-April. He draws up the report himself with the help of his own team in the EU Commission, largely isolated from the public. NGOs criticize the fact that although Draghi met with representatives of the European Round Table for Industry, Business Europe and a trade union, many civil society organizations were not consulted. The letter was signed by LobbyControl, Corporate Europe Observatory and the Open Markets Institute, among others.
The authors also criticize the thrust of Draghi’s publicly stated plans. He has called for consolidation in the European telecoms and defense sectors, for example, in order to be competitive in the global markets. However, the organizations warn against relying on subsidized “European champions”: The consequence would be “that market concentration in Europe would increase even further, harming European consumers, workers and small businesses and undermining our competitiveness”. tho
According to the European Court of Auditors, EU money that has not been spent in accordance with the regulations is not recovered quickly enough by the European Commission. In a report published on Tuesday, the EU auditors in Luxembourg write that more than a year or more often passes between the end of funded measures and their recovery.
A further three to five months elapsed before the funds were reimbursed, the report continues. In one to eight percent of cases, the claim is even waived completely. However, the Commission ensures that irregular expenditure is recorded accurately and quickly. In total, 4.2 percent of the EU budget in 2022 was not spent per the rules, i.e. irregularly, explained the Court of Auditors. From 2014 to 2022, irregular expenditure amounting to €14 billion was reported across all policy areas.
The recovery of irregular amounts is an important instrument, for example to prevent further irregularities, the authors write. “The swift recovery of misspent EU funds should be pursued with the utmost determination”, said Jorg Kristijan Petrovič, from the European Court of Auditors. “The EU owes this to taxpayers. Failure to recover it would severely damage citizens’ trust in the EU.”
It is estimated that only 20 percent of the EU budget is spent directly by the Commission. 70 percent is managed jointly with the member states and 10 percent by international organizations or third countries. dpa
After more than 16 years, the Council is still looking for a common position on the anti-discrimination directive. Although “more progress has been made than ever before”, said Helena Dalli, the Commissioner for Equal Opportunities, on Tuesday. However, Germany, Italy and the Czech Republic raised concerns in an orientation debate in the Employment Council (EPSCO). As a result, there was once again no vote; unanimity is required in this policy area.
The new, fifth anti-discrimination directive was proposed by the EU Commission in 2008 and the Parliament adopted its position in 2009. The directive aims to extend protection against discrimination on grounds of age and disability to areas outside the field of “employment and occupation”. Specifically, this relates to goods and services, the education and housing sectors as well as social and healthcare services.
One example: In Germany, the General Equal Treatment Act (AGG) currently protects teachers from discrimination by their employer, but not pupils from discriminatory statements by teachers, at least at public schools. Instead, this is regulated by school laws, which have less far-reaching consequences than the AGG.
“I am working hard within the Federal Government to ensure that Germany can position itself in good time within the Federal Government during the Belgian Council Presidency“, said Family Minister Lisa Paus (Greens) during the debate at EPSCO on Tuesday. Paus said that the financial policy implications that could result from the implementation were currently being examined, also concerning the impact on the federal states.
In the coalition agreement, the traffic light coalition agreed to reform the AGG. However, there is still a long way to go before Germany clears the way at EU level. Only once the federal government has agreed on a new position, could concerns regarding the current text be named and dispelled, said Paus during the debate on Tuesday. The doubts are likely to come mainly from the FDP – out of concern about additional costs for the economy and additional bureaucracy.
Italy also said that it “still needs time to examine the effects“. Some terms still needed to be clarified. The Czech Republic was even more critical. During the debate, the country took the view that no new legislation was needed at EU level and that the necessary laws should be anchored at national level. Like Germany, the country pointed out that the existing national regulations would go beyond the current EU provisions.
Poland, on the other hand, is now in favor of the project after having been critical of the law for a long time. Hungary would also like to finalize the law. The Belgian Council Presidency declared on Tuesday that it wanted to try to achieve a result despite the short time available. Equality Commissioner Dalli also urged the states to agree on a common position after difficult and lengthy negotiations.
However, three further legislative proposals may come into force after this Tuesday. The Council adopted two directives that are intended to better equip the equality bodies in the member states and oblige public institutions to consult them when it comes to discrimination issues. The Council also backed the directive on combating violence against women and domestic violence. Among other things, it requires states to criminalize female genital mutilation, forced marriage and cyber violence – for example, sending intimate images without consent. Contrary to the EU Parliament’s demands, the directive lacks EU-wide standards for dealing with rape. lei
Minister for Economic Affairs Robert Habeck has questioned the principle of each EU country appointing a commissioner in Brussels. “We will have to find a solution where we pool or countries take turns”, said the Vice-Chancellor at an event in his ministry on Tuesday evening. In addition, qualified majority decisions would also have to be introduced in areas where they do not yet exist. “Otherwise, one country will always have a right of veto – Hungary, for example – and that makes no sense”, said Habeck.
The EU needs reforms before enlargement. Habeck mentioned the Balkan states and Ukraine in particular: “Otherwise these countries will continue to be caught between a rock and a hard place or they will come under Russian influence.”
In Habeck’s opinion, the EU should play a stronger role in foreign and security policy. “The threat situation cries out for the EU not to remain where it is, i.e. not just to be the notary of the nation states, but to gain its own power in foreign and security policy.” He cited the largely national procurement of armaments as an example. The financial volume available across Europe is currently not being spent efficiently.
Habeck also calls for more courage to pursue a common financial policy – even if this leads to liability issues. An economic union without a fiscal union would hardly have any strategic steering capability. Germany had also benefited from the introduction of the euro. “If Helmut Kohl had negotiated the Euro in this way and only asked what he would get out of it, he would not have done it“, said the Green.
Habeck wants to see greater Europeanization in inbound and outbound investment screening – even if this is to Germany’s disadvantage in individual cases. He cited the participation of Chinese companies in European ports as an example. ber
On Wednesday, the non-partisan initiative Brand New Bundestag (BNB) will present a list of the 100 “most future-proof candidates” from ten countries. It is available to Table.Briefings in advance and is intended to represent a cross-party and cross-thematic “counter-proposal to the expected shift to the right in the European elections”.
Several MEPs from Germany are on the list, including Delara Burkhardt, Tiemo Wölken (both SPD) and Svenja Hahn (FDP). The list also includes the Left Party’s top candidate Carola Rackete, former Green Party youth leader Anna Peters and Eyfer Tunc, who sat in the Bremen parliament for the CDU.
From France, the list includes Bernard Guetta, number two on the electoral list of Emmanuel Macron’s Renaissance party. The journalist published his geopolitical columns every morning for over 27 years on the public radio station France Inter. Also on the NBB list is Olivier de Schutter, a Belgian lawyer who is the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Human Rights and Extreme Poverty. In the European elections, he is running on the list of the Belgian Greens, Ecolo. okb, cst, tho
If Kevin Kühnert were to listen to the results of the Wahl-O-Mat for the European elections, he would vote for the SPD. That is not surprising. What is somewhat surprising, however, is that only 98.8% of the SPD General Secretary’s answers match those of his party. Martin Schirdewan, on the other hand, achieved 100 percent agreement with the Left at the presentation of the Wahl-O-Mat at the European House in Berlin on Tuesday. Kühnert’s result shows how divided the SPD is, said the leading candidate of the Left Party.
“I also find 100 percent confusing”, Kühnert defended himself. “Anyone who claims to agree with their own party on everything is lying. There’s no other way to put it.” He said he was lucky to have been responsible for the program as Secretary General. “That’s why I know our program very well and identify very strongly with it.”
As a politician, he does not like the fact that there are only three possible answers on the Wahl-O-Mat: Agree, disagree or neutral. “For some questions, you would feel the inner need to say it depends and then explain the facts”, explained Kühnert. To do this, users of the Wahl-O-Mat would then have to look at the reasons.
Representatives of other parties also attended the launch of the Wahl-O-Mat for the European elections on Tuesday. The CDU had canceled due to its party conference. AfD top candidate Maximilian Krah, whose Brussels office was searched in the morning, sent a representative.
The Federal Agency for Civic Education (bpb) has been creating the Wahl-O-Mat since 2002 – primarily to mobilize young voters. In Germany, 16-year-olds will be able to vote for the first time in the 2024 European elections. The Wahl-O-Mat is not a voting recommendation, said Thomas Krüger. Rather, it offers a playful way to engage with the parties and their programs.
“The Wahl-O-Mat is the last media campfire in front of which many Germans gather before elections”, said Krüger. “The Wahl-O-Mat is not only the most successful pre-election information service, it is also the easiest way to get a really good overview of the positions of the political parties.”
One in – one out. Terry Reintke does not believe in this popular demand to reduce bureaucracy by abolishing two existing laws for one new one. “I think that’s too simplistic”, said the Green top candidate at the presentation of Bitkomat in Berlin on Tuesday. With the online tool, the digital association Bitkom wants to help voters compare their own preferences in digital policy with the respective positions of the parties.
Bitkom developed a total of 18 theses on the four areas of innovation location and future industries, political guiding principles, digital infrastructure and sustainability as well as start-ups and Europe’s digital future together with digital policy experts. All German parties currently represented in the EU Parliament were able to position themselves with “agree / neutral / disagree” on the theses and briefly explain their answers.
Reintke spoke out in favor of massive investment in digital infrastructure. The question of how Europe intends to maintain its competitiveness in the coming years is key, he said. “I know that the term subsidy sometimes has very negative connotations. But we are currently undergoing major transformation processes, both economically and socially”, said Reintke. This applies to both the climate and digitalization, which are converging in many areas.
Europe needs digital sovereignty. “To achieve this, we need to put money into Europe together.” Public investment then often also spurs private investment. “That is why we are entering this European election campaign with the keyword Infrastructure Union.”
However, Reintke answered the question of whether all new laws should be examined to see whether they strengthen Europe’s competitiveness with “neutral”. He said that one had to be very careful how one defined competitiveness. “I believe that one of the biggest drivers of competitiveness in the European Union in the coming years will be climate-friendly industry and climate-friendly business, including in the digital sector.” A rigid categorization would not be helpful.
With the General Data Protection Regulation, the EU has taken important steps and – similar to the AI Act – set an international standard. She believes it makes sense to clarify this at European level. “If we are talking about the specific application of the General Data Protection Regulation, then I would say that there is room for simplification“, she conceded.
In some cases, there are still very different interpretations of the GDPR at federal state level. As a Green, she is a member of a civil rights party with high standards that are enshrined in the General Data Protection Regulation. “But indeed, some things can be simplified and streamlined in terms of implementation.”
Reintke was neutral on the question of whether there should be a commissioner just for start-ups. It was actually a good idea. But the point is: “Does it have to be exclusively for start-ups or could it not also be linked to a Commissioner for Innovation, for example?” If there is a person in the Commission who deals specifically with a certain field, more often happens in that area. She therefore believes that there should be someone who deals with the challenges facing start-ups as a high priority. “I think that makes a lot of sense.”
Reintke “definitely agreed” with the question of establishing a stock exchange location for European tech champions. The EU should also make progress in the area of the Capital Markets Union in order to become more attractive to investors. To this end, Europe must continue to “complete and simplify the capital market and harmonize certain processes so that it is easier for companies to access money”. vis
On Tuesday morning, the Federal Public Prosecutor’s Office had the offices of AfD top candidate Maximilian Krah and his former employee Jian G. in the European Parliament in Brussels searched. This was based on the decisions of the investigating judge of the Federal Court of Justice and a European Investigation Order.
Jian G. is suspected of spying for China. As a Member of the European Parliament, Krah himself is protected by his parliamentary immunity. He is a witness in the proceedings against Jian G. Due to his immunity, the search was only possible because the European Parliament had given its consent to enter the offices.
Jian G.’s Brussels apartment was also searched on April 24. According to a message from Krah himself on X on Tuesday morning, only the office of his former employee was searched: “Neither I nor other employees are affected.” This was to be expected after G.’s arrest and was by no means surprising. cyb
“When I finished school, there was no Erasmus”, says Pia Ahrenkilde Hansen. “Instead, I created something similar myself.” Back then, she flew to Paris on a one-way ticket, worked as an au pair and studied at Sciences Po. Since September, the experienced Brussels civil servant has now headed the EU Directorate-General for Education, Youth, Culture and Sport. As such, she also manages the Erasmus Plus program, which is worth more than €26 billion.
“We have made enormous progress since I was a student”, says the 61-year-old Dane. “More than 15 million people have benefited from Erasmus alone.” After her stay in France, she returned to Copenhagen to study economics, politics and languages. “The European dimension was still neglected at first”, she recalls. When she was elected to the student council, she changed that without further ado: “We immediately organized a Saturday course on European identity.”
Ahrenkilde Hansen was fascinated by how people from different cultures communicate with each other. This was one of the reasons why she moved to Brussels in the early 1990s. Her first job at the European institutions took her to what was then the Directorate-General for Competitiveness. Over the years, she built up a reputation as a spokesperson and communications expert. Until last fall, Ahrenkilde Hansen was still head of the Directorate-General for Communication.
She draws a direct link to her new role as Director-General for Education: “We can overcome the boundaries of communication with education to a certain extent.” To discuss Europe constructively, mutual understanding is needed. She therefore sees it as her task to ensure that Europeans can learn with and from each other. The pressure on the education systems of the member states is high. Of course, education is a competence of the nation states, but one with a “European dimension”.
It is becoming increasingly clear what role education policy plays in countering the shortage of skilled workers, keeping Europe together and defending its own values. “The ties have become closer”, says Ahrenkilde Hansen about relations between the EU and Ukraine since the start of the Russian full-scale invasion. The EU has delivered five hundred thousand textbooks to the neighboring country, and the next delivery is in the works and should be twice as large. At the same time, many Ukrainians, including scientists and artists, have come to Europe with their children.
What is Ahrenkilde Hansen looking forward to? In the next few weeks, another milestone should be reached on the way to a European degree. Universities from several countries should then be able to work together even more closely. She believes: “Such a degree could become a trademark for the European Education Area.” Paul Meerkamp
A special kind of encounter awaits CDU delegates today. Ursula von der Leyen and Markus Söder will speak about the future of Europe in quick succession at the federal party conference. This makes a direct, potentially delicate comparison possible.
On the one hand, the still-EU Commission President is expected to score a victory on June 9, which will also give the CDU and CSU the hoped-for starting position for the state elections in the fall and the federal elections in 2025. On the other hand, there is hardly a politician who is as controversial in the CDU and even more so in the CSU as von der Leyen.
As Minister for Family Affairs, she pestered many in the CDU/CSU with parental allowance and daycare expansion. As Commission President, she primarily promoted the Green Deal, which caused a great deal of pain for many in the CDU/CSU. Nevertheless, there was no other option for Friedrich Merz and the CSU. You won’t get an incumbent president again so quickly.
And so the Union has to cheer them on today – and Söder has to do what is not easy for him: act like a team player.
The Greens want to work together with Christian Democrats, Socialists and Liberals after the European elections. This claim is being made unequivocally by leading politicians of the European Greens in these final weeks before the elections. Unlike in the current mandate, in which the Greens were not part of the informal Von-der-Leyen coalition, this time they want to have a say both in the distribution of posts and in the substantive priorities.
Much depends on the election result. If, as the current seat projection suggests, the Christian Democrats, Socialists and Liberals have a comfortable majority, the Greens’ votes may not even be needed for Ursula von der Leyen’s re-election. However, should it be close, the Greens will probably have a seat at the table.
Behind closed doors, a leading European Green states the condition for joining a second Von der Leyen coalition: “If we are part of the game, then we want to get something out of it.”
The German Greens have a similar view. After the election, they will have to work together with the EPP in the European Parliament, otherwise they will no longer be taken seriously, says one person from Berlin, for example, who keeps a very close eye on European politics. The Greens must have a say, if only to save the Green Deal. “If we don’t join in, we shouldn’t be surprised if the Green signature is missing afterwards.”
The Christian Democrats would negotiate an informal coalition with the Socialists, Liberals and perhaps the Greens. The Christian Democrats have the most weight to throw into the balance because, according to the polls, they are once again the strongest force.
EPP leader Manfred Weber is not someone who categorically rejects the Greens. Unlike his CDU/CSU colleagues Friedrich Merz or Markus Söder, he has not been heard ranting against the party – not even in Bavarian beer tents. And yet he has reservations as to whether there can be common ground with the Greens beyond agreements on personnel.
During the expired mandate, the Greens had always sat at the table, made maximum demands and thus shaped the outcome of the negotiations. And when it came to swearing an oath in parliament, they repeatedly refused to vote on important dossiers.
“The Greens have got bogged down in an ideological opposition role”, Weber tells Table.Briefings. The EPP’s door had always been open, but in the end, the Greens had largely opted for blockade politics. With very few exceptions, the Green group voted completely against the migration package, and the reform of the Stability and Growth Pact also fell through with them.
The Greens in Europe are more radical than many Greens in Germany. They are worlds apart from the Kretschmann Greens in the south-west, with whom the Christian Democrats would get on well. On asylum and migration policy, for example, there is a major conflict between the German and European Greens: when the package was voted on in the European Parliament, Minister Annalena Baerbock explicitly campaigned for its adoption.
The European Parliamentary Group was not impressed by this: In the mini-plenary in Brussels, well-known Greens such as Terry Reintke, Rasmus Andresen and Anna Cavazzini voted against it. Even the solidarity mechanism, the redistribution between the Member States, was not supported. The only exception among the prominent Greens was Bas Eickhout, co-lead candidate and presumed future co-leader of the parliamentary group: He voted in favor of the package.
“In doing so, they are failing to prove that they are playing a constructive role in Europe”, says Weber. He is trying to draw them out of the corner: “I hope they change course, but it remains a mortgage.” The policy areas of defense, trade, AI and cutting red tape in the single market are also considered difficult.
The Greens defend themselves against this accusation. A top Green says: “It is nonsense that we only delivered pure Green.” A number of Green Deal laws had been passed with Green support, in some cases even against the opposition of the Christian Democrats. But they were not part of the informal coalition: “But no one can blame us if we were not part of the negotiations.”
This time, the Greens want to sit at the negotiating table. However, there are concerns not only about migration policy. In the last mandate, the Greens completely rejected the compromise on the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP). The EPP, Liberals and Socialists are in favor of the coexistence of conventional and organic farming and continue to want an area premium to secure farmers’ incomes.
The Greens, on the other hand, take a completely different approach: They focus more on organic farming and want to subsidize organic services. The issue of food security plays a subordinate role for them. They want to reduce the high livestock numbers. In the upcoming mandate, Parliament will decide on the next CAP, which will shape the sector until 2035. A compromise is difficult to imagine.
There are also likely to be conflicts over issues such as animal welfare and animal transportation. Whether the Habitats Directive will be opened up and the high standard of protection for wolves and other formerly endangered animal species will be lowered is also controversial. An experienced agricultural politician from the EPP says: “Agriculture would be the core conflict in any cooperation with the Greens.”
In terms of industrial policy, there are some major differences, but also room for cooperation between the Greens, EPP, Liberals and S&D. While Christian Democrats and Socialists voted predominantly in favor of the Net-Zero Industry Act (NZIA), the Greens voted against it or abstained. They therefore refused to give their approval to the European plan to support green technologies “Made in Europe”. Even the solar and wind industries welcomed the NZIA.
Instead, Green Party lead candidate Bas Eickhout, industrial policy expert Michael Bloss and Belgian MEP Sara Matthieu have presented their ideas for a Green Industrial Deal. Above all, they are calling for more funding for the ramp-up of green technologies as well as an incentive policy via quotas and regulation.
EPP industrial policy expert Christian Ehler countered this at an event organized by Table.Briefings and Europe-Calling. He strictly rejects further regulatory requirements for industry and certain technologies and instead wants a competition-based approach by strengthening the market. He considers the Greens’ industrial policy to be “dreaming”. “We will not be able to finance transformation processes with public funds.”
However, parts of the green plan are definitely in the interests of the EPP, for example a tax policy that favors low-emission technologies – along the lines of the incentive-oriented model of the US Inflation Reduction Act (IRA). The EPP would also like financial resources to support the industry – for example from the ETS. “If you have emissions trading and generate revenue from it, you should use the funds to invest”, says Ehler.
More earmarked revenue from the ETS will not fail because of the Greens, but because of the member states. They would rather have the money for their tight budgets. There would therefore be room for industrial policy compromises between the Greens and the EPP.
Xi Jinping’s visit to Serbia coincides with the 25th anniversary of the bombing of Beijing’s embassy in Belgrade by the US Air Force. What kind of political signal does China’s President want to send with this?
The bombing of the embassy is the cornerstone of the Serbian-Chinese friendship – even if the relationship has only really become closer in the last 10 to 15 years. The fact that both sides reference it so much reflects Serbia’s and China’s frustration with Western hegemony, but also the supposed injustice of NATO’s intervention in Kosovo. Even back then, China supported the Serbian position against Kosovo’s independence. Criticism of the West is therefore clearly in the foreground.
What role does Xi Jinping’s visit to Belgrade on the anniversary of the bombing play for Serbia?
In Serbia’s eyes, China has become the most important international partner. Serbia has been defining its foreign policy through various pillars for some time now: relations with Russia, China, the USA and the European Union. Since the pandemic, China has become the most important partner. This is because Russia has brought fewer economic benefits since the start of the war in Ukraine. But EU enlargement and the European perspective are also seen as less attractive in Serbia. The visit on the anniversary of the bombing also emphasizes the Serbian narrative of the past, which sees itself as a victim of the NATO intervention and not as a perpetrator in Kosovo.
Have you deliberately chosen the order of Russia, China, the USA, and the EU? The EU comes last here.
Yes, from Serbia’s perspective, the relationship with the EU is really considered to be the least important right now. Economically, the EU is still important for Serbia, but not politically. The media, most of which are controlled by President Aleksandar Vučić, are clearly dominated by anti-Western imagery. China, on the other hand, is portrayed very positively.
Does that mean China is also encouraging Serbia, with its certain outsider role, to feel part of its anti-Western bloc with Russia?
Absolutely. And if you look at the fact that the only visit besides France is dedicated to Hungary, another enfant terrible, China is sending a clear signal that it is turning against Brussels. China is not looking at its economically most important partner countries, but at those with the most political heft.
How is China perceived in Serbia?
There is a very contradictory picture in Serbia. On the one hand, China is seen as a strong supporter of Serbia regarding its Kosovo policy. That is the reason for the strong statements repeatedly made by President Vučić and other Serbian politicians, who emphasize that Taiwan belongs to China – just as Kosovo belongs to Serbia. On the other hand, there is a negative image of China, a country with poor working conditions, where entire areas are polluted and destroyed. So, there is a certain amount of criticism of China.
China is building a railroad line between Belgrade and Budapest – another sign of a new axis that strengthens Beijing?
At the moment, this may indeed fit together quite well. However, the main reason for this route is still of an economic nature. This route is a line that will run from Piraeus to Western Europe. It is intended to connect the Greek port, which is in Chinese hands, with the European markets. From the Chinese point of view, that is almost more important than backing Vučić and Orbán.
To what extent are Russia and China working together in the Balkans?
Xi Jinping’s visit to Belgrade is clearly anti-Western. Of course, this also pleases Putin and weakens the EU there. In this respect, Russia is an indirect beneficiary of this policy. At the same time, however, China has overtaken Russia as the main player in Serbia, and that naturally hurts Russia.
Florian Bieber is a Professor of Southeast European History and Politics at the University of Graz and Director of the Center for Southeast European Studies. Bieber has taught in Hungary and lived in Belgrade, among other places. He is the author of the book “Pulverfass Balkan” (Ch. Links Verlag, 2023).
An alliance of civil society organizations is calling for more transparency and participation in the preparation of Mario Draghi’s report on Europe’s competitiveness. The report will have an enormous impact on the mandate of the next EU Commission and the future of the EU, the 13 NGOs write in an open letter to the former ECB President and Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, which will be published on Wednesday. “We are therefore very concerned about the lack of transparency and access to the process of drafting this report.”
Von der Leyen commissioned Draghi to compile the report in the fall. Draghi intends to publish his findings after the European elections in June. The report is eagerly awaited, as the words of the former Italian Prime Minister carry great political weight.
Draghi last gave an insight into his thoughts at an appearance in La Hulpe in mid-April. He draws up the report himself with the help of his own team in the EU Commission, largely isolated from the public. NGOs criticize the fact that although Draghi met with representatives of the European Round Table for Industry, Business Europe and a trade union, many civil society organizations were not consulted. The letter was signed by LobbyControl, Corporate Europe Observatory and the Open Markets Institute, among others.
The authors also criticize the thrust of Draghi’s publicly stated plans. He has called for consolidation in the European telecoms and defense sectors, for example, in order to be competitive in the global markets. However, the organizations warn against relying on subsidized “European champions”: The consequence would be “that market concentration in Europe would increase even further, harming European consumers, workers and small businesses and undermining our competitiveness”. tho
According to the European Court of Auditors, EU money that has not been spent in accordance with the regulations is not recovered quickly enough by the European Commission. In a report published on Tuesday, the EU auditors in Luxembourg write that more than a year or more often passes between the end of funded measures and their recovery.
A further three to five months elapsed before the funds were reimbursed, the report continues. In one to eight percent of cases, the claim is even waived completely. However, the Commission ensures that irregular expenditure is recorded accurately and quickly. In total, 4.2 percent of the EU budget in 2022 was not spent per the rules, i.e. irregularly, explained the Court of Auditors. From 2014 to 2022, irregular expenditure amounting to €14 billion was reported across all policy areas.
The recovery of irregular amounts is an important instrument, for example to prevent further irregularities, the authors write. “The swift recovery of misspent EU funds should be pursued with the utmost determination”, said Jorg Kristijan Petrovič, from the European Court of Auditors. “The EU owes this to taxpayers. Failure to recover it would severely damage citizens’ trust in the EU.”
It is estimated that only 20 percent of the EU budget is spent directly by the Commission. 70 percent is managed jointly with the member states and 10 percent by international organizations or third countries. dpa
After more than 16 years, the Council is still looking for a common position on the anti-discrimination directive. Although “more progress has been made than ever before”, said Helena Dalli, the Commissioner for Equal Opportunities, on Tuesday. However, Germany, Italy and the Czech Republic raised concerns in an orientation debate in the Employment Council (EPSCO). As a result, there was once again no vote; unanimity is required in this policy area.
The new, fifth anti-discrimination directive was proposed by the EU Commission in 2008 and the Parliament adopted its position in 2009. The directive aims to extend protection against discrimination on grounds of age and disability to areas outside the field of “employment and occupation”. Specifically, this relates to goods and services, the education and housing sectors as well as social and healthcare services.
One example: In Germany, the General Equal Treatment Act (AGG) currently protects teachers from discrimination by their employer, but not pupils from discriminatory statements by teachers, at least at public schools. Instead, this is regulated by school laws, which have less far-reaching consequences than the AGG.
“I am working hard within the Federal Government to ensure that Germany can position itself in good time within the Federal Government during the Belgian Council Presidency“, said Family Minister Lisa Paus (Greens) during the debate at EPSCO on Tuesday. Paus said that the financial policy implications that could result from the implementation were currently being examined, also concerning the impact on the federal states.
In the coalition agreement, the traffic light coalition agreed to reform the AGG. However, there is still a long way to go before Germany clears the way at EU level. Only once the federal government has agreed on a new position, could concerns regarding the current text be named and dispelled, said Paus during the debate on Tuesday. The doubts are likely to come mainly from the FDP – out of concern about additional costs for the economy and additional bureaucracy.
Italy also said that it “still needs time to examine the effects“. Some terms still needed to be clarified. The Czech Republic was even more critical. During the debate, the country took the view that no new legislation was needed at EU level and that the necessary laws should be anchored at national level. Like Germany, the country pointed out that the existing national regulations would go beyond the current EU provisions.
Poland, on the other hand, is now in favor of the project after having been critical of the law for a long time. Hungary would also like to finalize the law. The Belgian Council Presidency declared on Tuesday that it wanted to try to achieve a result despite the short time available. Equality Commissioner Dalli also urged the states to agree on a common position after difficult and lengthy negotiations.
However, three further legislative proposals may come into force after this Tuesday. The Council adopted two directives that are intended to better equip the equality bodies in the member states and oblige public institutions to consult them when it comes to discrimination issues. The Council also backed the directive on combating violence against women and domestic violence. Among other things, it requires states to criminalize female genital mutilation, forced marriage and cyber violence – for example, sending intimate images without consent. Contrary to the EU Parliament’s demands, the directive lacks EU-wide standards for dealing with rape. lei
Minister for Economic Affairs Robert Habeck has questioned the principle of each EU country appointing a commissioner in Brussels. “We will have to find a solution where we pool or countries take turns”, said the Vice-Chancellor at an event in his ministry on Tuesday evening. In addition, qualified majority decisions would also have to be introduced in areas where they do not yet exist. “Otherwise, one country will always have a right of veto – Hungary, for example – and that makes no sense”, said Habeck.
The EU needs reforms before enlargement. Habeck mentioned the Balkan states and Ukraine in particular: “Otherwise these countries will continue to be caught between a rock and a hard place or they will come under Russian influence.”
In Habeck’s opinion, the EU should play a stronger role in foreign and security policy. “The threat situation cries out for the EU not to remain where it is, i.e. not just to be the notary of the nation states, but to gain its own power in foreign and security policy.” He cited the largely national procurement of armaments as an example. The financial volume available across Europe is currently not being spent efficiently.
Habeck also calls for more courage to pursue a common financial policy – even if this leads to liability issues. An economic union without a fiscal union would hardly have any strategic steering capability. Germany had also benefited from the introduction of the euro. “If Helmut Kohl had negotiated the Euro in this way and only asked what he would get out of it, he would not have done it“, said the Green.
Habeck wants to see greater Europeanization in inbound and outbound investment screening – even if this is to Germany’s disadvantage in individual cases. He cited the participation of Chinese companies in European ports as an example. ber
On Wednesday, the non-partisan initiative Brand New Bundestag (BNB) will present a list of the 100 “most future-proof candidates” from ten countries. It is available to Table.Briefings in advance and is intended to represent a cross-party and cross-thematic “counter-proposal to the expected shift to the right in the European elections”.
Several MEPs from Germany are on the list, including Delara Burkhardt, Tiemo Wölken (both SPD) and Svenja Hahn (FDP). The list also includes the Left Party’s top candidate Carola Rackete, former Green Party youth leader Anna Peters and Eyfer Tunc, who sat in the Bremen parliament for the CDU.
From France, the list includes Bernard Guetta, number two on the electoral list of Emmanuel Macron’s Renaissance party. The journalist published his geopolitical columns every morning for over 27 years on the public radio station France Inter. Also on the NBB list is Olivier de Schutter, a Belgian lawyer who is the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Human Rights and Extreme Poverty. In the European elections, he is running on the list of the Belgian Greens, Ecolo. okb, cst, tho
If Kevin Kühnert were to listen to the results of the Wahl-O-Mat for the European elections, he would vote for the SPD. That is not surprising. What is somewhat surprising, however, is that only 98.8% of the SPD General Secretary’s answers match those of his party. Martin Schirdewan, on the other hand, achieved 100 percent agreement with the Left at the presentation of the Wahl-O-Mat at the European House in Berlin on Tuesday. Kühnert’s result shows how divided the SPD is, said the leading candidate of the Left Party.
“I also find 100 percent confusing”, Kühnert defended himself. “Anyone who claims to agree with their own party on everything is lying. There’s no other way to put it.” He said he was lucky to have been responsible for the program as Secretary General. “That’s why I know our program very well and identify very strongly with it.”
As a politician, he does not like the fact that there are only three possible answers on the Wahl-O-Mat: Agree, disagree or neutral. “For some questions, you would feel the inner need to say it depends and then explain the facts”, explained Kühnert. To do this, users of the Wahl-O-Mat would then have to look at the reasons.
Representatives of other parties also attended the launch of the Wahl-O-Mat for the European elections on Tuesday. The CDU had canceled due to its party conference. AfD top candidate Maximilian Krah, whose Brussels office was searched in the morning, sent a representative.
The Federal Agency for Civic Education (bpb) has been creating the Wahl-O-Mat since 2002 – primarily to mobilize young voters. In Germany, 16-year-olds will be able to vote for the first time in the 2024 European elections. The Wahl-O-Mat is not a voting recommendation, said Thomas Krüger. Rather, it offers a playful way to engage with the parties and their programs.
“The Wahl-O-Mat is the last media campfire in front of which many Germans gather before elections”, said Krüger. “The Wahl-O-Mat is not only the most successful pre-election information service, it is also the easiest way to get a really good overview of the positions of the political parties.”
One in – one out. Terry Reintke does not believe in this popular demand to reduce bureaucracy by abolishing two existing laws for one new one. “I think that’s too simplistic”, said the Green top candidate at the presentation of Bitkomat in Berlin on Tuesday. With the online tool, the digital association Bitkom wants to help voters compare their own preferences in digital policy with the respective positions of the parties.
Bitkom developed a total of 18 theses on the four areas of innovation location and future industries, political guiding principles, digital infrastructure and sustainability as well as start-ups and Europe’s digital future together with digital policy experts. All German parties currently represented in the EU Parliament were able to position themselves with “agree / neutral / disagree” on the theses and briefly explain their answers.
Reintke spoke out in favor of massive investment in digital infrastructure. The question of how Europe intends to maintain its competitiveness in the coming years is key, he said. “I know that the term subsidy sometimes has very negative connotations. But we are currently undergoing major transformation processes, both economically and socially”, said Reintke. This applies to both the climate and digitalization, which are converging in many areas.
Europe needs digital sovereignty. “To achieve this, we need to put money into Europe together.” Public investment then often also spurs private investment. “That is why we are entering this European election campaign with the keyword Infrastructure Union.”
However, Reintke answered the question of whether all new laws should be examined to see whether they strengthen Europe’s competitiveness with “neutral”. He said that one had to be very careful how one defined competitiveness. “I believe that one of the biggest drivers of competitiveness in the European Union in the coming years will be climate-friendly industry and climate-friendly business, including in the digital sector.” A rigid categorization would not be helpful.
With the General Data Protection Regulation, the EU has taken important steps and – similar to the AI Act – set an international standard. She believes it makes sense to clarify this at European level. “If we are talking about the specific application of the General Data Protection Regulation, then I would say that there is room for simplification“, she conceded.
In some cases, there are still very different interpretations of the GDPR at federal state level. As a Green, she is a member of a civil rights party with high standards that are enshrined in the General Data Protection Regulation. “But indeed, some things can be simplified and streamlined in terms of implementation.”
Reintke was neutral on the question of whether there should be a commissioner just for start-ups. It was actually a good idea. But the point is: “Does it have to be exclusively for start-ups or could it not also be linked to a Commissioner for Innovation, for example?” If there is a person in the Commission who deals specifically with a certain field, more often happens in that area. She therefore believes that there should be someone who deals with the challenges facing start-ups as a high priority. “I think that makes a lot of sense.”
Reintke “definitely agreed” with the question of establishing a stock exchange location for European tech champions. The EU should also make progress in the area of the Capital Markets Union in order to become more attractive to investors. To this end, Europe must continue to “complete and simplify the capital market and harmonize certain processes so that it is easier for companies to access money”. vis
On Tuesday morning, the Federal Public Prosecutor’s Office had the offices of AfD top candidate Maximilian Krah and his former employee Jian G. in the European Parliament in Brussels searched. This was based on the decisions of the investigating judge of the Federal Court of Justice and a European Investigation Order.
Jian G. is suspected of spying for China. As a Member of the European Parliament, Krah himself is protected by his parliamentary immunity. He is a witness in the proceedings against Jian G. Due to his immunity, the search was only possible because the European Parliament had given its consent to enter the offices.
Jian G.’s Brussels apartment was also searched on April 24. According to a message from Krah himself on X on Tuesday morning, only the office of his former employee was searched: “Neither I nor other employees are affected.” This was to be expected after G.’s arrest and was by no means surprising. cyb
“When I finished school, there was no Erasmus”, says Pia Ahrenkilde Hansen. “Instead, I created something similar myself.” Back then, she flew to Paris on a one-way ticket, worked as an au pair and studied at Sciences Po. Since September, the experienced Brussels civil servant has now headed the EU Directorate-General for Education, Youth, Culture and Sport. As such, she also manages the Erasmus Plus program, which is worth more than €26 billion.
“We have made enormous progress since I was a student”, says the 61-year-old Dane. “More than 15 million people have benefited from Erasmus alone.” After her stay in France, she returned to Copenhagen to study economics, politics and languages. “The European dimension was still neglected at first”, she recalls. When she was elected to the student council, she changed that without further ado: “We immediately organized a Saturday course on European identity.”
Ahrenkilde Hansen was fascinated by how people from different cultures communicate with each other. This was one of the reasons why she moved to Brussels in the early 1990s. Her first job at the European institutions took her to what was then the Directorate-General for Competitiveness. Over the years, she built up a reputation as a spokesperson and communications expert. Until last fall, Ahrenkilde Hansen was still head of the Directorate-General for Communication.
She draws a direct link to her new role as Director-General for Education: “We can overcome the boundaries of communication with education to a certain extent.” To discuss Europe constructively, mutual understanding is needed. She therefore sees it as her task to ensure that Europeans can learn with and from each other. The pressure on the education systems of the member states is high. Of course, education is a competence of the nation states, but one with a “European dimension”.
It is becoming increasingly clear what role education policy plays in countering the shortage of skilled workers, keeping Europe together and defending its own values. “The ties have become closer”, says Ahrenkilde Hansen about relations between the EU and Ukraine since the start of the Russian full-scale invasion. The EU has delivered five hundred thousand textbooks to the neighboring country, and the next delivery is in the works and should be twice as large. At the same time, many Ukrainians, including scientists and artists, have come to Europe with their children.
What is Ahrenkilde Hansen looking forward to? In the next few weeks, another milestone should be reached on the way to a European degree. Universities from several countries should then be able to work together even more closely. She believes: “Such a degree could become a trademark for the European Education Area.” Paul Meerkamp