For years, the EU Commission has not been very concerned with collective agreements, trade unions and social issues and has not really been able to get to grips with them. One reason for this is the issue itself: labor and social policy at EU level is a hot potato. Secondly, trade unions in particular were long regarded as an inflexible obstacle to the market. This view has changed in recent years: The Minimum Wage Directive and the planned laws on platform work and European Works Councils are indicators of the change.
The German Federal Minister of Labor Hubertus Heil (SPD) is also a friend of co-determination and far-reaching EU regulations. This Monday, he is therefore organizing the “Social Europe” conference with high-ranking guests. Who is coming to the conference and what Heil hopes to achieve there can be read in our news section.
Have a successful start to the week!
European agencies are keeping a close eye on the digital aspects of the conflict following the Hamas attack on Israel. On the one hand, to gain insights: What methods of attack are being used? Which systems are proving vulnerable? And: Who is rushing to support whom? The question of possible overspill effects on Europe is also of great importance.
“In conflicts like these, you see the capable state actor Israel, which operates largely silently and in secret. And hacktivist Islamists who rely primarily on the effects of their operations,” says Bart Groothuis (Renew), one of the best cyber security experts in the European Parliament, who negotiated the Network and Information Security Directive NIS2, among other things.
Hamas has received support from certain groups, for example, from Sudan and Russia. Before joining the EP, the liberal Groothuis worked in cyber security at the Dutch Ministry of Defense. He considers the capabilities of the enemies of Israel to be fundamentally limited – “but Hamas is getting better.” The group AridViper (APT-C-23), which is associated with Hamas, has developed notable capabilities in the past.
However, a special feature of the digital part of the conflict in the Levant is a double hybrid scenario: On the one hand, Hamas supporters are not only trying to attack crucial Israeli IT infrastructure. Some groups are also trying to take control of industrial control systems – such as the drinking water supply – and thus impair critical infrastructure. So far, however, this has apparently met with moderate success only, despite alleged evidence screenshots that have been distributed via Telegram and X. At the same time, Hamas supporters are trying to hack Israeli security systems – to use them for their own purposes.
If you compare the situation in Europe and Germany with that of Israel, there is one significant difference, explains Haya Schulmann, Professor at Goethe University Frankfurt: “Israel has the advantage of a strong technology sector and a manageable number of connections in the country.” This makes monitoring internet traffic at least somewhat easier.
The well-known strength of Israeli cyber security companies is aiding the country in the current situation. However, it is also causing concern among German and European experts. This is because many large companies in Europe have taken advantage of this expertise and are cooperating closely with Israeli cyber security start-ups. For example, the Schwarz Group, which is behind Lidl and Kaufland, which consolidated its position as an IT security provider with the purchase of Tel Aviv start-up XM Cyber 2022 to great media effect.
Cyberark, which works with several European banks, is also from Israel. Or Cybellum, which offers its solutions in the automotive sector, for example. “Many European companies are also dependent on Israeli providers when it comes to IT security,” explains security researcher Haya Schulmann. And this is not a German phenomenon: “Estonian or Swiss companies and authorities also rely on their skills.”
For the President of the Federal Office for Information Security, Claudia Plattner, and Federal Minister of the Interior Nancy Faeser, this is expressly not a problem: “There is no way we can do without these providers,” said Plattner. And Faeser emphasized that it was a good thing to have providers from democratic countries. At the presentation of the BSI situation report in Berlin, the SPD politician did not answer a question about the extent to which Israel is actively supported by the BMI and BSI, instead referring to Germany’s security partnership with Israel in general terms.
The European states are divided in their approach to the conflict, not only in geopolitical terms but also when it comes to cyber security. It reflects the various political positions in the member states. While Germany supports Israel, the country is not part of the International Cooperation Partnership of the European Network and Information Security Agency ENISA.
The EU authority reports that comparatively little cyber security activity was observed in connection with the Israel-Hamas conflict. In the first few days after the Hamas attack, mainly distributed denial of service attacks on websites of member states in the context of the conflict were observed. In these attacks, large amounts of data are “shot” at web servers from as many places as possible at the same time to bring them to their knees and possibly cause them to malfunction. IT experts consider this one of the most defensible types of attack and as not particularly sophisticated.
The other direction is currently more problematic, says IT security researcher Haya Schulmann: a comparatively large number of attacks on Israeli sites are coming from German networks of all places. This does not have to be intentional, but could also be hijacked web servers or end devices. This is actually a well-known problem, but one that is still rarely addressed.
In her opinion, Germany is still doing too little, says Schulmann: “There are several important nodes in Germany that could, for example, divert malicious traffic at an early stage,” she demands. The DECIX node in particular, with its headquarters in Frankfurt am Main, is a highly relevant international data hub, where up to 15 terabits of data per second are passed between the various sub-networks every day.
However, much of the attention in Europe is currently focused less on the reaction than on observing and evaluating the events in Israel. The EU member states are keeping a close eye on what is happening, including from a warfare perspective. Decision-makers are particularly interested in the role of hacked surveillance cameras, which can provide the enemy with information about troop movements, for example. Such live situation images could also provide information about troop movements outside of critical infrastructures. This would be highly relevant if Russia’s attack on Ukraine were not the end of the European war.
And the question of whether it is wise in the medium term to rely on Chinese providers such as Hikvision for Internet of Things solutions for sensor technology and surveillance is also being raised more and more aggressively in light of the events in Israel. Whether Europe is sufficiently equipped for this in regulatory terms with the Cyber Resilience Act, NIS2 and the CER Directive and, above all, whether it can act fast enough is currently discussed by decision-makers everywhere in Europe – in the usual confusion. Because security is still the domain of the member states.
When it comes to the digital conflict dimension of the Israel-Hamas disputes and their immediate effects, however, most Europeans seem to be remaining rather calm at the moment. “Europe should not be overly concerned, but vigilant,” warns VVD MEP Bart Groothuis. “And if something happens, we must ensure that the rule of law is upheld quickly and with strong law enforcement.”
On November 21, the EU Parliament will vote on its position on the revision of the Packaging and Packaging Waste Directive – almost exactly one year after the EU Commission presented its proposal for the new regulation.
The initiative aims to anchor the waste hierarchy more firmly in the law so that, in addition to recycling, the avoidance of packaging waste and the reuse of packaging and materials are prescribed. Harmonized regulations are to apply across the EU through the transition to a regulation. After all, each person in the EU generated an average of 188.7 kilograms of packaging waste in 2021. Without additional measures, the Commission expects 209 kilograms per person in 2030.
The proposal sparked a fierce controversy between recycling and reusable proponents and a huge turnout for public consultation. MEPs involved in the dossier spoke of a record-breaking number of lobby requests. The strongest opposition had been in relation to the reuse targets for different sectors and packaging formats (Article 26). The Commission had already scaled back some ambitious targets in advance.
The Environment Committee adopted the draft report by Frédérique Ries (Renew) at the end of October. The MEPs want, among other things:
Parliament will now vote on the negotiating mandate at the second plenary session in November. As soon as the Council has also adopted its mandate, the trilogue negotiations can begin. In many respects, the Spanish Council Presidency’s proposals are not far removed from the Environment Committee’s report. For example, Spain also proposed the possibility of distinguishing between reuse and refilling based on different objectives for the controversial Article 26.
Federal Environment Minister Steffi Lemke (Greens) had announced that, despite the harmonized regulations, she would advocate in the Council for the Member States to retain a great deal of leeway so that they can also develop more ambitious measures. This would be particularly important with regard to the planned reusable targets, as Germany’s reusable quotas and targets are already significantly higher than the targets in the Commission’s draft. Since the beginning of 2023, the German Packaging Act has already stipulated that catering businesses must offer reusable packaging for takeaway food.
With a view to the negotiations, the CDU/CSU parliamentary group in the Bundestag is calling on the German government to pursue a technology-neutral approach and to advocate “regulations with as little bureaucracy as possible” in the Council in the interests of small and medium-sized enterprises. In mid-October, the parliamentary group submitted a motion to the Bundestag in which it also called for the protection of the “well-functioning take-back systems for reusable and disposable packaging” in Germany. Excessive governance structures should not jeopardize these systems, it says.
The Environment Committee is now planning a hearing on this proposal. It will then also discuss how the EU Packaging Regulation can interact with the amendment of the German Packaging Act.
During the debate in the Bundestag, SPD MP Michael Thews emphasized: “If the negotiations are not concluded before the European elections, we in Germany must act and reform our packaging law in order to introduce (more ambitious) recycling quotas and the fund model.” This is the only way to compensate for the fact that the oil price repeatedly causes fluctuations in recyclate usage rates and hinders investment. It would not be unrealistic to complete the legislative process in Brussels before the end of the current legislative period, but it would certainly be ambitious.
Back in June, the Federal Ministry for the Environment already presented key points for a German law to reduce packaging waste. In doing so, it wants to anticipate the EU regulation in some areas. Among other things, the BMUV wants to significantly expand the requirements for more reusable packaging in the catering and retail sectors. For example, supermarkets must offer at least one product with reusable packaging for each type of drink (water, beer, non-alcoholic drinks, juice and milk). Consumers should also be able to return their reusable bottles wherever drinks are sold. The ministry wants to wait until “there is more clarity on this at the European level” before taking further measures.
Friday morning, 10 a.m. in Mainz. Gerhard Trabert parks his doctor’s van in front of a homeless shelter. “Does anyone here need anything?” Trabert asks the group. One person needs a new medication for high blood pressure, another is in pain because of an infected tooth. Trabert invites them all into the doctor’s van. The converted van from the Poverty and Health Association in Germany has everything a doctor needs on the street: a patient couch, blood pressure monitor, filing cabinets. There are even some medicines on board. “You don’t have a health insurance card, do you?” Trabert asks one of the men. “Nope,” he says. Trabert looks after him anyway. Whether insured or not, Trabert helps everyone here in Mainz. That is his philosophy, true to the motto: human dignity is inviolable.
Next year, this mobile doctor’s office will have been in existence for exactly 30 years. “I go to the people, that’s the best place to reach them,” says Trabert. And indeed. The man with the infected tooth has been putting off going to the doctor for almost two weeks. Trabert’s van, which has come directly to the homeless shelter, makes it easy for him. The so-called “Mainz model“, which Trabert launched with the mobile doctor’s office, is now being recognized and imitated all over Germany.
In 2024 of all years, the anniversary year of the mobile doctor’s office, the 67-year-old could change careers: from a doctor providing practical help to a Member of the European Parliament fighting for the wording of EU laws. The Left Party executive has nominated the non-party member Trabert for fourth place on the EU list. A place with a solid chance of getting into Parliament. The matter still has to be confirmed at the party conference in Augsburg on November 18.
His nomination is a smart move by the party. Because Trabert puts into practice what drives many supporters of the left: He fights for social justice every day. Competently, calmly, but with a lot of passion and, above all, at eye level, like on this day in front of the homeless shelter. “He’s a good guy. You get the impression that he sees you as a person,” says one of the patients about Trabert. People are always waving to him on the streets of Mainz. “Ah, Mr. N!”*, exclaims Trabert, for example. The 67-year-old often knows them by name.
Trabert’s commitment as a “doctor for the poor” is also recognized outside the party: He was awarded the Federal Cross of Merit with Ribbon in 2004 and the Paracelsus Medal, the highest award of the German Medical Association, in 2014. The list goes on and on. Trabert’s reputation is also evident when he becomes a direct candidate for the Left Party in the 2021 Bundestag elections in Mainz. He achieved 12.4 percent, the best result of all West German candidates, but not enough to enter the Bundestag. He is not a party member and wants to keep it that way, he tells Table.Media. Nevertheless, he sees many of his concerns best embodied in the Left Party.
But Trabert’s success did not just fall into his lap. He is a working-class child and was the first in his family to make it to university. He first studied social education and then worked in hospital social services. Spurred on by some doctors who treat him condescendingly, he makes a new decision: he wants to study medicine. He succeeds in being admitted to his second-degree course, although he even has to see a lawyer. The scholarship for gifted students from the Protestant Church helps him with his studies. Another scholarship also enabled him to write a dissertation on the health situation and medical care of homeless people.
Later, as a trained doctor, he fights again. In this case, the health insurance company to obtain a health insurance license for his mobile medical practice. “When I came up with it, it didn’t exist here in Germany yet. Then I chased after them for months,” says Trabert.
He succeeded: his medical van is the first in Germany that can bill the health insurance company. Another of his projects: a polyclinic for people without health insurance. Trabert creates facts by paying the rent for the rooms out of his own pocket for the first few months. Only later does it become clear that the project is funded by donations. Trabert is always finding new challenges: He is currently collecting donations for medical aid in Ukraine.
It is above all practical help that Trabert provides locally in Mainz. Mainz in general: this is where he grew up, where he still lives and where he travels with his mobile doctor’s office. But the doctor is also familiar with the European level. In 2014 and 2015, he was employed as an advisor to the EU Commission on the topic of poverty and health in Germany. From 2005 to 2013, he was a delegate of the German National Poverty Conference for the European Poverty Network.
His topics for the EU Parliament are obvious. “Social justice, poverty and access to healthcare,” he says. He also has concrete ideas. For example, he sees a need for improvement in EU-wide health insurance coverage. “At the moment, everyone only receives benefits at the same level as the costs in his or her home country.” As a result, people from Romania or Bulgaria, for example, often have to pay for treatment themselves in countries such as Germany. The blocking of EU migrants from social insurance in the first few months after moving to countries such as Germany is also a thorn in his side. Another concern: is the treatment of refugees in the EU. He has been to the refugee camp in Lesbos several times as a doctor and on the high seas as a sea rescuer.
For Trabert, the job as an EU parliamentarian would be a real change of scene. Will that be enough for him, the practitioner? Trabert shrugs his shoulders in his consulting room and grins a little uncertainly. “I want to do as much practical work with people as I can, continue to go on sea rescue missions and drive the doctor’s van.” Politically, it won’t be easy for the him either. As an independent, he is not familiar with the party’s power mechanisms, which can be very important for positioning himself and his issues.
The doctor is used to the balancing act between theory and practice. He only drives the van as a side job; his main job is as a Professor of Social Medicine at the RheinMain University of Applied Sciences. When he enters the European Parliament in June, he will be stepping down as a university lecturer. The students will regret the change of sides. Alina Leimbach
* Name abbreviated by the editors
For years, the EU Commission has not been very concerned with collective agreements, trade unions and social issues and has not really been able to get to grips with them. One reason for this is the issue itself: labor and social policy at EU level is a hot potato. Secondly, trade unions in particular were long regarded as an inflexible obstacle to the market. This view has changed in recent years: The Minimum Wage Directive and the planned laws on platform work and European Works Councils are indicators of the change.
The German Federal Minister of Labor Hubertus Heil (SPD) is also a friend of co-determination and far-reaching EU regulations. This Monday, he is therefore organizing the “Social Europe” conference with high-ranking guests. Who is coming to the conference and what Heil hopes to achieve there can be read in our news section.
Have a successful start to the week!
European agencies are keeping a close eye on the digital aspects of the conflict following the Hamas attack on Israel. On the one hand, to gain insights: What methods of attack are being used? Which systems are proving vulnerable? And: Who is rushing to support whom? The question of possible overspill effects on Europe is also of great importance.
“In conflicts like these, you see the capable state actor Israel, which operates largely silently and in secret. And hacktivist Islamists who rely primarily on the effects of their operations,” says Bart Groothuis (Renew), one of the best cyber security experts in the European Parliament, who negotiated the Network and Information Security Directive NIS2, among other things.
Hamas has received support from certain groups, for example, from Sudan and Russia. Before joining the EP, the liberal Groothuis worked in cyber security at the Dutch Ministry of Defense. He considers the capabilities of the enemies of Israel to be fundamentally limited – “but Hamas is getting better.” The group AridViper (APT-C-23), which is associated with Hamas, has developed notable capabilities in the past.
However, a special feature of the digital part of the conflict in the Levant is a double hybrid scenario: On the one hand, Hamas supporters are not only trying to attack crucial Israeli IT infrastructure. Some groups are also trying to take control of industrial control systems – such as the drinking water supply – and thus impair critical infrastructure. So far, however, this has apparently met with moderate success only, despite alleged evidence screenshots that have been distributed via Telegram and X. At the same time, Hamas supporters are trying to hack Israeli security systems – to use them for their own purposes.
If you compare the situation in Europe and Germany with that of Israel, there is one significant difference, explains Haya Schulmann, Professor at Goethe University Frankfurt: “Israel has the advantage of a strong technology sector and a manageable number of connections in the country.” This makes monitoring internet traffic at least somewhat easier.
The well-known strength of Israeli cyber security companies is aiding the country in the current situation. However, it is also causing concern among German and European experts. This is because many large companies in Europe have taken advantage of this expertise and are cooperating closely with Israeli cyber security start-ups. For example, the Schwarz Group, which is behind Lidl and Kaufland, which consolidated its position as an IT security provider with the purchase of Tel Aviv start-up XM Cyber 2022 to great media effect.
Cyberark, which works with several European banks, is also from Israel. Or Cybellum, which offers its solutions in the automotive sector, for example. “Many European companies are also dependent on Israeli providers when it comes to IT security,” explains security researcher Haya Schulmann. And this is not a German phenomenon: “Estonian or Swiss companies and authorities also rely on their skills.”
For the President of the Federal Office for Information Security, Claudia Plattner, and Federal Minister of the Interior Nancy Faeser, this is expressly not a problem: “There is no way we can do without these providers,” said Plattner. And Faeser emphasized that it was a good thing to have providers from democratic countries. At the presentation of the BSI situation report in Berlin, the SPD politician did not answer a question about the extent to which Israel is actively supported by the BMI and BSI, instead referring to Germany’s security partnership with Israel in general terms.
The European states are divided in their approach to the conflict, not only in geopolitical terms but also when it comes to cyber security. It reflects the various political positions in the member states. While Germany supports Israel, the country is not part of the International Cooperation Partnership of the European Network and Information Security Agency ENISA.
The EU authority reports that comparatively little cyber security activity was observed in connection with the Israel-Hamas conflict. In the first few days after the Hamas attack, mainly distributed denial of service attacks on websites of member states in the context of the conflict were observed. In these attacks, large amounts of data are “shot” at web servers from as many places as possible at the same time to bring them to their knees and possibly cause them to malfunction. IT experts consider this one of the most defensible types of attack and as not particularly sophisticated.
The other direction is currently more problematic, says IT security researcher Haya Schulmann: a comparatively large number of attacks on Israeli sites are coming from German networks of all places. This does not have to be intentional, but could also be hijacked web servers or end devices. This is actually a well-known problem, but one that is still rarely addressed.
In her opinion, Germany is still doing too little, says Schulmann: “There are several important nodes in Germany that could, for example, divert malicious traffic at an early stage,” she demands. The DECIX node in particular, with its headquarters in Frankfurt am Main, is a highly relevant international data hub, where up to 15 terabits of data per second are passed between the various sub-networks every day.
However, much of the attention in Europe is currently focused less on the reaction than on observing and evaluating the events in Israel. The EU member states are keeping a close eye on what is happening, including from a warfare perspective. Decision-makers are particularly interested in the role of hacked surveillance cameras, which can provide the enemy with information about troop movements, for example. Such live situation images could also provide information about troop movements outside of critical infrastructures. This would be highly relevant if Russia’s attack on Ukraine were not the end of the European war.
And the question of whether it is wise in the medium term to rely on Chinese providers such as Hikvision for Internet of Things solutions for sensor technology and surveillance is also being raised more and more aggressively in light of the events in Israel. Whether Europe is sufficiently equipped for this in regulatory terms with the Cyber Resilience Act, NIS2 and the CER Directive and, above all, whether it can act fast enough is currently discussed by decision-makers everywhere in Europe – in the usual confusion. Because security is still the domain of the member states.
When it comes to the digital conflict dimension of the Israel-Hamas disputes and their immediate effects, however, most Europeans seem to be remaining rather calm at the moment. “Europe should not be overly concerned, but vigilant,” warns VVD MEP Bart Groothuis. “And if something happens, we must ensure that the rule of law is upheld quickly and with strong law enforcement.”
On November 21, the EU Parliament will vote on its position on the revision of the Packaging and Packaging Waste Directive – almost exactly one year after the EU Commission presented its proposal for the new regulation.
The initiative aims to anchor the waste hierarchy more firmly in the law so that, in addition to recycling, the avoidance of packaging waste and the reuse of packaging and materials are prescribed. Harmonized regulations are to apply across the EU through the transition to a regulation. After all, each person in the EU generated an average of 188.7 kilograms of packaging waste in 2021. Without additional measures, the Commission expects 209 kilograms per person in 2030.
The proposal sparked a fierce controversy between recycling and reusable proponents and a huge turnout for public consultation. MEPs involved in the dossier spoke of a record-breaking number of lobby requests. The strongest opposition had been in relation to the reuse targets for different sectors and packaging formats (Article 26). The Commission had already scaled back some ambitious targets in advance.
The Environment Committee adopted the draft report by Frédérique Ries (Renew) at the end of October. The MEPs want, among other things:
Parliament will now vote on the negotiating mandate at the second plenary session in November. As soon as the Council has also adopted its mandate, the trilogue negotiations can begin. In many respects, the Spanish Council Presidency’s proposals are not far removed from the Environment Committee’s report. For example, Spain also proposed the possibility of distinguishing between reuse and refilling based on different objectives for the controversial Article 26.
Federal Environment Minister Steffi Lemke (Greens) had announced that, despite the harmonized regulations, she would advocate in the Council for the Member States to retain a great deal of leeway so that they can also develop more ambitious measures. This would be particularly important with regard to the planned reusable targets, as Germany’s reusable quotas and targets are already significantly higher than the targets in the Commission’s draft. Since the beginning of 2023, the German Packaging Act has already stipulated that catering businesses must offer reusable packaging for takeaway food.
With a view to the negotiations, the CDU/CSU parliamentary group in the Bundestag is calling on the German government to pursue a technology-neutral approach and to advocate “regulations with as little bureaucracy as possible” in the Council in the interests of small and medium-sized enterprises. In mid-October, the parliamentary group submitted a motion to the Bundestag in which it also called for the protection of the “well-functioning take-back systems for reusable and disposable packaging” in Germany. Excessive governance structures should not jeopardize these systems, it says.
The Environment Committee is now planning a hearing on this proposal. It will then also discuss how the EU Packaging Regulation can interact with the amendment of the German Packaging Act.
During the debate in the Bundestag, SPD MP Michael Thews emphasized: “If the negotiations are not concluded before the European elections, we in Germany must act and reform our packaging law in order to introduce (more ambitious) recycling quotas and the fund model.” This is the only way to compensate for the fact that the oil price repeatedly causes fluctuations in recyclate usage rates and hinders investment. It would not be unrealistic to complete the legislative process in Brussels before the end of the current legislative period, but it would certainly be ambitious.
Back in June, the Federal Ministry for the Environment already presented key points for a German law to reduce packaging waste. In doing so, it wants to anticipate the EU regulation in some areas. Among other things, the BMUV wants to significantly expand the requirements for more reusable packaging in the catering and retail sectors. For example, supermarkets must offer at least one product with reusable packaging for each type of drink (water, beer, non-alcoholic drinks, juice and milk). Consumers should also be able to return their reusable bottles wherever drinks are sold. The ministry wants to wait until “there is more clarity on this at the European level” before taking further measures.
Friday morning, 10 a.m. in Mainz. Gerhard Trabert parks his doctor’s van in front of a homeless shelter. “Does anyone here need anything?” Trabert asks the group. One person needs a new medication for high blood pressure, another is in pain because of an infected tooth. Trabert invites them all into the doctor’s van. The converted van from the Poverty and Health Association in Germany has everything a doctor needs on the street: a patient couch, blood pressure monitor, filing cabinets. There are even some medicines on board. “You don’t have a health insurance card, do you?” Trabert asks one of the men. “Nope,” he says. Trabert looks after him anyway. Whether insured or not, Trabert helps everyone here in Mainz. That is his philosophy, true to the motto: human dignity is inviolable.
Next year, this mobile doctor’s office will have been in existence for exactly 30 years. “I go to the people, that’s the best place to reach them,” says Trabert. And indeed. The man with the infected tooth has been putting off going to the doctor for almost two weeks. Trabert’s van, which has come directly to the homeless shelter, makes it easy for him. The so-called “Mainz model“, which Trabert launched with the mobile doctor’s office, is now being recognized and imitated all over Germany.
In 2024 of all years, the anniversary year of the mobile doctor’s office, the 67-year-old could change careers: from a doctor providing practical help to a Member of the European Parliament fighting for the wording of EU laws. The Left Party executive has nominated the non-party member Trabert for fourth place on the EU list. A place with a solid chance of getting into Parliament. The matter still has to be confirmed at the party conference in Augsburg on November 18.
His nomination is a smart move by the party. Because Trabert puts into practice what drives many supporters of the left: He fights for social justice every day. Competently, calmly, but with a lot of passion and, above all, at eye level, like on this day in front of the homeless shelter. “He’s a good guy. You get the impression that he sees you as a person,” says one of the patients about Trabert. People are always waving to him on the streets of Mainz. “Ah, Mr. N!”*, exclaims Trabert, for example. The 67-year-old often knows them by name.
Trabert’s commitment as a “doctor for the poor” is also recognized outside the party: He was awarded the Federal Cross of Merit with Ribbon in 2004 and the Paracelsus Medal, the highest award of the German Medical Association, in 2014. The list goes on and on. Trabert’s reputation is also evident when he becomes a direct candidate for the Left Party in the 2021 Bundestag elections in Mainz. He achieved 12.4 percent, the best result of all West German candidates, but not enough to enter the Bundestag. He is not a party member and wants to keep it that way, he tells Table.Media. Nevertheless, he sees many of his concerns best embodied in the Left Party.
But Trabert’s success did not just fall into his lap. He is a working-class child and was the first in his family to make it to university. He first studied social education and then worked in hospital social services. Spurred on by some doctors who treat him condescendingly, he makes a new decision: he wants to study medicine. He succeeds in being admitted to his second-degree course, although he even has to see a lawyer. The scholarship for gifted students from the Protestant Church helps him with his studies. Another scholarship also enabled him to write a dissertation on the health situation and medical care of homeless people.
Later, as a trained doctor, he fights again. In this case, the health insurance company to obtain a health insurance license for his mobile medical practice. “When I came up with it, it didn’t exist here in Germany yet. Then I chased after them for months,” says Trabert.
He succeeded: his medical van is the first in Germany that can bill the health insurance company. Another of his projects: a polyclinic for people without health insurance. Trabert creates facts by paying the rent for the rooms out of his own pocket for the first few months. Only later does it become clear that the project is funded by donations. Trabert is always finding new challenges: He is currently collecting donations for medical aid in Ukraine.
It is above all practical help that Trabert provides locally in Mainz. Mainz in general: this is where he grew up, where he still lives and where he travels with his mobile doctor’s office. But the doctor is also familiar with the European level. In 2014 and 2015, he was employed as an advisor to the EU Commission on the topic of poverty and health in Germany. From 2005 to 2013, he was a delegate of the German National Poverty Conference for the European Poverty Network.
His topics for the EU Parliament are obvious. “Social justice, poverty and access to healthcare,” he says. He also has concrete ideas. For example, he sees a need for improvement in EU-wide health insurance coverage. “At the moment, everyone only receives benefits at the same level as the costs in his or her home country.” As a result, people from Romania or Bulgaria, for example, often have to pay for treatment themselves in countries such as Germany. The blocking of EU migrants from social insurance in the first few months after moving to countries such as Germany is also a thorn in his side. Another concern: is the treatment of refugees in the EU. He has been to the refugee camp in Lesbos several times as a doctor and on the high seas as a sea rescuer.
For Trabert, the job as an EU parliamentarian would be a real change of scene. Will that be enough for him, the practitioner? Trabert shrugs his shoulders in his consulting room and grins a little uncertainly. “I want to do as much practical work with people as I can, continue to go on sea rescue missions and drive the doctor’s van.” Politically, it won’t be easy for the him either. As an independent, he is not familiar with the party’s power mechanisms, which can be very important for positioning himself and his issues.
The doctor is used to the balancing act between theory and practice. He only drives the van as a side job; his main job is as a Professor of Social Medicine at the RheinMain University of Applied Sciences. When he enters the European Parliament in June, he will be stepping down as a university lecturer. The students will regret the change of sides. Alina Leimbach
* Name abbreviated by the editors
