I hope you have had a good and, above all, refreshed start to the new year! You don’t have to be a prophet to predict that the coming months will be just as nerve-wracking politically as the past few. Donald Trump will be sworn in as POTUS again on Jan. 20, while his courtier Elon Musk, aka “Kekius Maximus”, will likely spend the remaining time insulting German and British politicians.
The EU leaders will have to try to keep a clear head despite the noise. At the turn of the year, Poland took over the rotating presidency of the Council, greeted with warm words by Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and Foreign Affairs Commissioner Kaja Kallas. Hardly anyone in Brussels is weeping for Hungary’s past presidency of the Council: Viktor Orbán and his followers abused the stage too obviously for their own interests instead of being a fair broker of interests.
Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk will have to prepare important decisions in the coming weeks, together with von der Leyen, Kallas, and the new Council President António Costa. Two weeks after Trump’s inauguration, the EU heads of state and government will come together for a closed meeting, as you can read in our date preview: Support for Ukraine, European defense, Trump’s tariffs, and the EU’s own competitiveness – all of these topics require important decisions to be made. At the same time, however, the upcoming presidential election in Poland in May will tie Tusk’s hands, as you can read in Lukas Knigge’s Analysis.
However, the turn of the year also brought good news for the growing together of Europe: 18 years after joining the EU, Romania and Bulgaria are now fully-fledged members of the Schengen zone. Austria had lifted its veto in December, making possible the “historic moment” that Bulgarian Prime Minister Dimitar Glavchev now spoke of.
I wish you a healthy new year – and strong nerves!
The EU is unlikely to take a leading role in international efforts to improve climate action in the new year either. The unambitious Hungarian Council Presidency will be followed by the Polish Presidency. The national situation in Poland threatens to delay important milestones in European climate policy such as the EU’s 2040 climate target – possibly even into the second half of the year.
At the EU Environment Council in mid-December, the EU environment ministers once again discussed how much Europe wants to reduce its greenhouse gas emissions by 2040. No agreement was reached on the 2040 climate target, although the Commission had already tabled the offer of 90% fewer greenhouse gases than in 1990 in February 2024.
The EU is also likely to miss the international deadline for the next climate target (NDC) for 2035, which it has to submit to the UN by the end of February. The Commission makes no secret of this, but without an agreement between the countries, its hands are tied.
The European NDC for 2035 depends on the EU’s 2040 climate target. A line will be drawn between the targets for 2030 (55% GHG reduction) and 2040, and the 2035 target will be read off from this, as announced by EU Climate Action Commissioner Wopke Hoekstra at COP29 in Baku. If the EU states agree on a 90 percent GHG reduction by 2040, the NDC for 2035 would be 72.5 percent.
It would be an ambitious goal. The only question is whether and, above all, when it will come. “A clear and early signal from the EU regarding climate targets for the period after 2030 would put pressure on other governments, including China, to speed up the transition and give investors certainty,” says Marc Weissgerber, Managing Director of the Berlin office of the think tank E3G.
Europe is lagging behind in the G20 timetable. Brazil, the UK, Canada and even the USA have already announced their NDC for 2035. According to observers, even China is ready to present its NDC but wants to link it to the announcement of the European target. The lack of agreement between the EU states on the 2040 target therefore also has an impact on China, which is highly relevant in terms of climate policy.
The most important key figures of the previous NDCs for 2035 at a glance:
There was only an exchange of ideas at the EU Environment Council in December. The Hungarian Council Presidency wanted to know from the member states how climate legislation could be simplified in order to place less of a burden on companies and what basic prerequisites (“enabling conditions”) need to be created for the new climate target. Almost the same debate had already been held under Belgian Council leadership six months ago, but not much has happened since then.
No agreement was even sought at the Council meetings of ministers or at the summits of heads of state and government. Even at the end of June, when the heads of state adopted the so-called Strategic Agenda up to 2029, climate policy was only dealt with in passing. At the EU summit in December, the topic was left out despite pressure from civil society to agree on future climate targets.
“The EU is now running out of time,” says Weissgerber. Weissgerber fears that the elections in Germany, Poland and Romania could probably postpone an agreement on the path to climate neutrality until the second half of 2025 or later. He sees it as a “missed opportunity” to make a clear commitment to climate policy leadership after the elections in the USA and COP29.
Germany is also failing to live up to its claim to be the EU’s climate policy leader, despite paying lip service to the idea. This is not only due to the former FDP participation in the government, which put the brakes on climate policy, as the German government has still not taken a clear position.
Berlin is simply not in a hurry, observers report. The European election campaign, the reorganization of the EU executive, and the Hungarian Council Presidency are slowing things down. The calculation is that an agreement will be reached in the new year. Although the EU will miss the UN deadline, the NDC will be ambitious. This has long been on the back burner, as the next Polish Council Presidency is itself highly skeptical of a 90 percent target for 2040.
The country would have to take the lead in negotiating the goal as chair of the member states, but at the same time has completely different problems. An extremely important presidential election is due to take place in Poland in May. The outcome will decide whether Prime Minister Donald Tusk’s citizens’ coalition will have more room for maneuver or whether it will have to continue to deal with a president from the right-wing nationalist PiS party.
There will certainly not be a climate election campaign, as Tusk’s camp is also questioning new climate action targets and fears additional social burdens in particular. In order not to make himself vulnerable to the PiS, the issue is therefore unlikely to play a role even among pro-Europeans.
It is therefore questionable whether it will even be possible to reach an agreement on the EU’s 2040 climate target in the first half of 2025. Even supporters of an ambitious EU climate policy agree that an election victory for pro-European forces in Poland is more important than an agreement on a 90% reduction in greenhouse gases by February.
What does the EU Parliament’s meeting calendar look like? When do the Council meetings take place? What is on the EU Commission’s agenda? We have compiled an overview of the most important dates for the EU institutions in the first quarter of 2025. All information is provisional and subject to possible changes by the respective institutions.
EU Parliament
January
Jan. 13-16, 2025
Committee and parliamentary group meeting week
Jan. 20-23, 2025
Plenary session week
Jan. 27-30, 2025
Committee meeting week
February
Feb. 3-6, 2025
Committee and parliamentary group meeting week
Feb. 10-13, 2025
Plenary session week
Feb. 17-20, 2025
Committee meeting week
March
March 3-6, 2025
Committee and parliamentary group meeting week
March 10-13, 2025
Plenary session week
March 17-20, 2025
Committee meeting week
March 24-27, 2025
Committee and parliamentary group meeting week
March 31-April 3, 2025
Plenary session week
European Council, Council of the EU & Ministerial meetings
January
Jan. 20, 2025
Euro Group
Jan. 21, 2025
Council of the EU: Economic and Financial Affairs
Jan. 27, 2025
Council of the EU: Foreign Affairs
Jan. 27, 2025
Council of the EU: Agriculture and Fisheries
Jan. 28, 2025
Council of the EU: General Affairs
February
Feb. 3, 2025
Meeting of EU heads of state and government
Feb. 3, 2025
Informal Trade Council
Feb. 3, 2025
Informal Competitiveness Council
Feb. 17, 2025
Informal General Council
Feb. 17, 2025
Euro Group
Feb. 18, 2025
Council of the EU: Economic and Financial Affairs
Feb. 24, 2025
Council of the EU: Foreign Affairs
Feb. 24, 2025
Council of the EU: Agriculture and Fisheries
Feb. 25, 2025
Council of the EU: General Affairs
March
March 4-5, 2025
Informal Telecommunications Council
March 6-7, 2025
Council of the EU: Justice and Home Affairs
March 6, 2025
Council of the EU: Competitiveness
March 10, 2025
Euro Group
March 10, 2025
Council of the EU: Employment, Social Policy, Health and Consumer Affairs
March 11, 2025
Council of the EU: Economic and Financial Affairs
March 17, 2025
Council of the EU: Foreign Affairs
March 17, 2025
Council of the EU: Energy
March 17-18, 2025
Informal Transport Council
March 18, 2025
Council of the EU: General Affairs
March 20-21, 2025
European Council
March 24, 2025
Council of the EU: Agriculture and Fisheries
March 27, 2025
Council of the EU: Environment
March 28, 2025
Council of the EU: General Affairs
Agenda of the EU Commission 2025
January
Jan 9-10, 2025
Visit of the College of EU Commissioners to Poland
Jan. 15, 2025
Competitiveness Compass, Annual Report on the Single Market and Competitiveness
Jan. 21, 2025
European action plan for the cybersecurity of hospitals and healthcare providers
February
Feb. 5, 2025
Communication on overcoming challenges with e-commerce platforms
Feb. 11, 2025
Commission work program for 2025
Feb. 19, 2025
A vision for agriculture and nutrition
Feb. 26, 2025
Clean Industrial Deal, Omnibus Simplification Package
March
March 5, 2025
Union of Skills, roadmap for women’s rights
Russia stopped gas exports to Europe through Ukraine on Wednesday morning. The transit contract between Gazprom and the Ukrainian supplier Naftogaz had expired at the turn of the year at Kyiv’s instigation. Transit through Ukraine had recently accounted for around five percent of natural gas imports to Europe.
Most EU countries abandoned Russian gas after Russia invaded Ukraine. However, Slovakia, Hungary, Austria, and Moldova, in particular, had been receiving gas via the Ukrainian pipelines until recently and now have to find alternatives.
Slovakia’s largest gas importer SPP announced that it would supply all customers via alternative routes, mainly via pipelines from Germany and Hungary. However, this would incur additional costs for transit fees.
Thanks to well-stocked gas storage facilities and alternative import routes via Italy and Germany, Austria considers itself well-prepared for the supply stop. According to Austrian Energy Minister Leonore Gewessler on X, gas supplies are secure and the country no longer depends on Russia.
The EU Commission had already stated on Tuesday that it did not expect any supply disruptions. “The European gas infrastructure is flexible enough to provide gas of non-Russian origin to Central and Eastern Europe via alternative routes,” said the agency. After the attack on Ukraine, considerable new LNG import capacities have been built up since 2022.
The German Economy Ministry also believes that the EU is well-prepared. A spokesperson said that Germany’s supply is just as guaranteed as that of neighboring countries without coastal access. The capacities of the German LNG terminals are also available to companies from other EU member states.
Slovakian Prime Minister Robert Fico, on the other hand, had warned Ukraine against discontinuing the transit agreement. The pro-Moscow politician threatened to cut electricity supplies to the neighboring country. He had visited President Vladimir Putin in Moscow shortly before Christmas to discuss gas transit.
Fico criticized that his country would miss out on hundreds of millions of euros in transit revenue for the continued gas transit to the West. He added that the higher fees for alternative routes would also lead to increased gas and electricity prices in Europe.
Ukraine has been saying for months that it would not renew its contract with Russia. A stop is in the national interest, explained Energy Minister Herman Halushchenko: “We have stopped the transit of Russian gas, this is a historic event.”
Kyiv argues that this would deprive the Kremlin of revenue from gas exports. According to think tank Bruegel, Russia would lose 6.5 billion dollars if it were unable to reroute gas supplies. However, Ukraine would also lose around one billion dollars annually in gross transit fees. rtr/tho
Hungary has lost its entitlement to EU funds amounting to around one billion euros due to deficiencies in the rule of law. In order to release the money, the country would have had to implement reform requirements by the end of 2024, as confirmed by a spokesperson for the EU Commission. The forfeited funds amount to €1.04 billion that were earmarked for Hungary from structural funds.
The funds were frozen at the end of 2022 because the Commission and Council had come to the conclusion that Hungary was disregarding various standards and fundamental values. In order to release the funds, Hungary would have had to implement sufficient reforms by the end of the year. These include changes to laws to prevent conflicts of interest and combat corruption. However, this did not happen.
The leadership in Budapest reacted with incomprehension to the loss of funds. “The Hungarian government has fulfilled all the conditions for drawing down EU resources,” claimed Europe Minister János Bóka on his Facebook page before the turn of the year. Brussels wanted to take the funds away from Hungary for political reasons, he added. dpa/tho
In the presidential election in Croatia, incumbent Zoran Milanović won the first round on Dec. 29 by a large margin. The candidate of the opposition Social Democrats received 49.1 percent of the vote. His challenger from the conservative ruling party HDZ, Dragan Primorac, received 19.3 percent. The run-off election is scheduled for Jan. 12.
The 58-year-old Milanović takes a skeptical view of Western military aid for Ukraine and also raises his voice against the European Union. During the election campaign, for example, he campaigned against the alleged deployment of Croatian soldiers to Ukraine, although this has not yet been considered by anyone. As president, he cultivated populist rhetoric and a shirt-sleeved style. This appeals not only to his core left-wing voters but also to right-wing and ultra-right-wing voters.
The president in Croatia has only limited powers. He is the commander-in-chief of the army and represents the country of around 3.8 million people at the international level. However, Croatia is represented in the European Council by its conservative Prime Minister Andrej Plenković. rtr/dpa/tho
I hope you have had a good and, above all, refreshed start to the new year! You don’t have to be a prophet to predict that the coming months will be just as nerve-wracking politically as the past few. Donald Trump will be sworn in as POTUS again on Jan. 20, while his courtier Elon Musk, aka “Kekius Maximus”, will likely spend the remaining time insulting German and British politicians.
The EU leaders will have to try to keep a clear head despite the noise. At the turn of the year, Poland took over the rotating presidency of the Council, greeted with warm words by Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and Foreign Affairs Commissioner Kaja Kallas. Hardly anyone in Brussels is weeping for Hungary’s past presidency of the Council: Viktor Orbán and his followers abused the stage too obviously for their own interests instead of being a fair broker of interests.
Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk will have to prepare important decisions in the coming weeks, together with von der Leyen, Kallas, and the new Council President António Costa. Two weeks after Trump’s inauguration, the EU heads of state and government will come together for a closed meeting, as you can read in our date preview: Support for Ukraine, European defense, Trump’s tariffs, and the EU’s own competitiveness – all of these topics require important decisions to be made. At the same time, however, the upcoming presidential election in Poland in May will tie Tusk’s hands, as you can read in Lukas Knigge’s Analysis.
However, the turn of the year also brought good news for the growing together of Europe: 18 years after joining the EU, Romania and Bulgaria are now fully-fledged members of the Schengen zone. Austria had lifted its veto in December, making possible the “historic moment” that Bulgarian Prime Minister Dimitar Glavchev now spoke of.
I wish you a healthy new year – and strong nerves!
The EU is unlikely to take a leading role in international efforts to improve climate action in the new year either. The unambitious Hungarian Council Presidency will be followed by the Polish Presidency. The national situation in Poland threatens to delay important milestones in European climate policy such as the EU’s 2040 climate target – possibly even into the second half of the year.
At the EU Environment Council in mid-December, the EU environment ministers once again discussed how much Europe wants to reduce its greenhouse gas emissions by 2040. No agreement was reached on the 2040 climate target, although the Commission had already tabled the offer of 90% fewer greenhouse gases than in 1990 in February 2024.
The EU is also likely to miss the international deadline for the next climate target (NDC) for 2035, which it has to submit to the UN by the end of February. The Commission makes no secret of this, but without an agreement between the countries, its hands are tied.
The European NDC for 2035 depends on the EU’s 2040 climate target. A line will be drawn between the targets for 2030 (55% GHG reduction) and 2040, and the 2035 target will be read off from this, as announced by EU Climate Action Commissioner Wopke Hoekstra at COP29 in Baku. If the EU states agree on a 90 percent GHG reduction by 2040, the NDC for 2035 would be 72.5 percent.
It would be an ambitious goal. The only question is whether and, above all, when it will come. “A clear and early signal from the EU regarding climate targets for the period after 2030 would put pressure on other governments, including China, to speed up the transition and give investors certainty,” says Marc Weissgerber, Managing Director of the Berlin office of the think tank E3G.
Europe is lagging behind in the G20 timetable. Brazil, the UK, Canada and even the USA have already announced their NDC for 2035. According to observers, even China is ready to present its NDC but wants to link it to the announcement of the European target. The lack of agreement between the EU states on the 2040 target therefore also has an impact on China, which is highly relevant in terms of climate policy.
The most important key figures of the previous NDCs for 2035 at a glance:
There was only an exchange of ideas at the EU Environment Council in December. The Hungarian Council Presidency wanted to know from the member states how climate legislation could be simplified in order to place less of a burden on companies and what basic prerequisites (“enabling conditions”) need to be created for the new climate target. Almost the same debate had already been held under Belgian Council leadership six months ago, but not much has happened since then.
No agreement was even sought at the Council meetings of ministers or at the summits of heads of state and government. Even at the end of June, when the heads of state adopted the so-called Strategic Agenda up to 2029, climate policy was only dealt with in passing. At the EU summit in December, the topic was left out despite pressure from civil society to agree on future climate targets.
“The EU is now running out of time,” says Weissgerber. Weissgerber fears that the elections in Germany, Poland and Romania could probably postpone an agreement on the path to climate neutrality until the second half of 2025 or later. He sees it as a “missed opportunity” to make a clear commitment to climate policy leadership after the elections in the USA and COP29.
Germany is also failing to live up to its claim to be the EU’s climate policy leader, despite paying lip service to the idea. This is not only due to the former FDP participation in the government, which put the brakes on climate policy, as the German government has still not taken a clear position.
Berlin is simply not in a hurry, observers report. The European election campaign, the reorganization of the EU executive, and the Hungarian Council Presidency are slowing things down. The calculation is that an agreement will be reached in the new year. Although the EU will miss the UN deadline, the NDC will be ambitious. This has long been on the back burner, as the next Polish Council Presidency is itself highly skeptical of a 90 percent target for 2040.
The country would have to take the lead in negotiating the goal as chair of the member states, but at the same time has completely different problems. An extremely important presidential election is due to take place in Poland in May. The outcome will decide whether Prime Minister Donald Tusk’s citizens’ coalition will have more room for maneuver or whether it will have to continue to deal with a president from the right-wing nationalist PiS party.
There will certainly not be a climate election campaign, as Tusk’s camp is also questioning new climate action targets and fears additional social burdens in particular. In order not to make himself vulnerable to the PiS, the issue is therefore unlikely to play a role even among pro-Europeans.
It is therefore questionable whether it will even be possible to reach an agreement on the EU’s 2040 climate target in the first half of 2025. Even supporters of an ambitious EU climate policy agree that an election victory for pro-European forces in Poland is more important than an agreement on a 90% reduction in greenhouse gases by February.
What does the EU Parliament’s meeting calendar look like? When do the Council meetings take place? What is on the EU Commission’s agenda? We have compiled an overview of the most important dates for the EU institutions in the first quarter of 2025. All information is provisional and subject to possible changes by the respective institutions.
EU Parliament
January
Jan. 13-16, 2025
Committee and parliamentary group meeting week
Jan. 20-23, 2025
Plenary session week
Jan. 27-30, 2025
Committee meeting week
February
Feb. 3-6, 2025
Committee and parliamentary group meeting week
Feb. 10-13, 2025
Plenary session week
Feb. 17-20, 2025
Committee meeting week
March
March 3-6, 2025
Committee and parliamentary group meeting week
March 10-13, 2025
Plenary session week
March 17-20, 2025
Committee meeting week
March 24-27, 2025
Committee and parliamentary group meeting week
March 31-April 3, 2025
Plenary session week
European Council, Council of the EU & Ministerial meetings
January
Jan. 20, 2025
Euro Group
Jan. 21, 2025
Council of the EU: Economic and Financial Affairs
Jan. 27, 2025
Council of the EU: Foreign Affairs
Jan. 27, 2025
Council of the EU: Agriculture and Fisheries
Jan. 28, 2025
Council of the EU: General Affairs
February
Feb. 3, 2025
Meeting of EU heads of state and government
Feb. 3, 2025
Informal Trade Council
Feb. 3, 2025
Informal Competitiveness Council
Feb. 17, 2025
Informal General Council
Feb. 17, 2025
Euro Group
Feb. 18, 2025
Council of the EU: Economic and Financial Affairs
Feb. 24, 2025
Council of the EU: Foreign Affairs
Feb. 24, 2025
Council of the EU: Agriculture and Fisheries
Feb. 25, 2025
Council of the EU: General Affairs
March
March 4-5, 2025
Informal Telecommunications Council
March 6-7, 2025
Council of the EU: Justice and Home Affairs
March 6, 2025
Council of the EU: Competitiveness
March 10, 2025
Euro Group
March 10, 2025
Council of the EU: Employment, Social Policy, Health and Consumer Affairs
March 11, 2025
Council of the EU: Economic and Financial Affairs
March 17, 2025
Council of the EU: Foreign Affairs
March 17, 2025
Council of the EU: Energy
March 17-18, 2025
Informal Transport Council
March 18, 2025
Council of the EU: General Affairs
March 20-21, 2025
European Council
March 24, 2025
Council of the EU: Agriculture and Fisheries
March 27, 2025
Council of the EU: Environment
March 28, 2025
Council of the EU: General Affairs
Agenda of the EU Commission 2025
January
Jan 9-10, 2025
Visit of the College of EU Commissioners to Poland
Jan. 15, 2025
Competitiveness Compass, Annual Report on the Single Market and Competitiveness
Jan. 21, 2025
European action plan for the cybersecurity of hospitals and healthcare providers
February
Feb. 5, 2025
Communication on overcoming challenges with e-commerce platforms
Feb. 11, 2025
Commission work program for 2025
Feb. 19, 2025
A vision for agriculture and nutrition
Feb. 26, 2025
Clean Industrial Deal, Omnibus Simplification Package
March
March 5, 2025
Union of Skills, roadmap for women’s rights
Russia stopped gas exports to Europe through Ukraine on Wednesday morning. The transit contract between Gazprom and the Ukrainian supplier Naftogaz had expired at the turn of the year at Kyiv’s instigation. Transit through Ukraine had recently accounted for around five percent of natural gas imports to Europe.
Most EU countries abandoned Russian gas after Russia invaded Ukraine. However, Slovakia, Hungary, Austria, and Moldova, in particular, had been receiving gas via the Ukrainian pipelines until recently and now have to find alternatives.
Slovakia’s largest gas importer SPP announced that it would supply all customers via alternative routes, mainly via pipelines from Germany and Hungary. However, this would incur additional costs for transit fees.
Thanks to well-stocked gas storage facilities and alternative import routes via Italy and Germany, Austria considers itself well-prepared for the supply stop. According to Austrian Energy Minister Leonore Gewessler on X, gas supplies are secure and the country no longer depends on Russia.
The EU Commission had already stated on Tuesday that it did not expect any supply disruptions. “The European gas infrastructure is flexible enough to provide gas of non-Russian origin to Central and Eastern Europe via alternative routes,” said the agency. After the attack on Ukraine, considerable new LNG import capacities have been built up since 2022.
The German Economy Ministry also believes that the EU is well-prepared. A spokesperson said that Germany’s supply is just as guaranteed as that of neighboring countries without coastal access. The capacities of the German LNG terminals are also available to companies from other EU member states.
Slovakian Prime Minister Robert Fico, on the other hand, had warned Ukraine against discontinuing the transit agreement. The pro-Moscow politician threatened to cut electricity supplies to the neighboring country. He had visited President Vladimir Putin in Moscow shortly before Christmas to discuss gas transit.
Fico criticized that his country would miss out on hundreds of millions of euros in transit revenue for the continued gas transit to the West. He added that the higher fees for alternative routes would also lead to increased gas and electricity prices in Europe.
Ukraine has been saying for months that it would not renew its contract with Russia. A stop is in the national interest, explained Energy Minister Herman Halushchenko: “We have stopped the transit of Russian gas, this is a historic event.”
Kyiv argues that this would deprive the Kremlin of revenue from gas exports. According to think tank Bruegel, Russia would lose 6.5 billion dollars if it were unable to reroute gas supplies. However, Ukraine would also lose around one billion dollars annually in gross transit fees. rtr/tho
Hungary has lost its entitlement to EU funds amounting to around one billion euros due to deficiencies in the rule of law. In order to release the money, the country would have had to implement reform requirements by the end of 2024, as confirmed by a spokesperson for the EU Commission. The forfeited funds amount to €1.04 billion that were earmarked for Hungary from structural funds.
The funds were frozen at the end of 2022 because the Commission and Council had come to the conclusion that Hungary was disregarding various standards and fundamental values. In order to release the funds, Hungary would have had to implement sufficient reforms by the end of the year. These include changes to laws to prevent conflicts of interest and combat corruption. However, this did not happen.
The leadership in Budapest reacted with incomprehension to the loss of funds. “The Hungarian government has fulfilled all the conditions for drawing down EU resources,” claimed Europe Minister János Bóka on his Facebook page before the turn of the year. Brussels wanted to take the funds away from Hungary for political reasons, he added. dpa/tho
In the presidential election in Croatia, incumbent Zoran Milanović won the first round on Dec. 29 by a large margin. The candidate of the opposition Social Democrats received 49.1 percent of the vote. His challenger from the conservative ruling party HDZ, Dragan Primorac, received 19.3 percent. The run-off election is scheduled for Jan. 12.
The 58-year-old Milanović takes a skeptical view of Western military aid for Ukraine and also raises his voice against the European Union. During the election campaign, for example, he campaigned against the alleged deployment of Croatian soldiers to Ukraine, although this has not yet been considered by anyone. As president, he cultivated populist rhetoric and a shirt-sleeved style. This appeals not only to his core left-wing voters but also to right-wing and ultra-right-wing voters.
The president in Croatia has only limited powers. He is the commander-in-chief of the army and represents the country of around 3.8 million people at the international level. However, Croatia is represented in the European Council by its conservative Prime Minister Andrej Plenković. rtr/dpa/tho