It’s no secret that the German government coalition is often in conflict – and that includes European policy. The coalition agreement pledged “more stringent coordination” and a “united approach to European partners”. According to information available to Europe.Table, Germany’s EU ambassador Michael Clauß has now expressed his concerns in an urgent letter. He criticizes that Germany is not capable of speaking on many legislative projects negotiated by the diplomats of the Permanent Representation in the Council because the coordination between the German ministries is not working. Read more in the News section.
In mid-February, the Commission plans to present its proposal for CO2 fleet limits for heavy-duty vehicles. According to a draft available to Europe.Table, there is no plan to raise the standard in 2025. After 2030, fleet limits are to be tightened every five years and find much broader application. In addition, diesel buses are to be banned as well, the draft envisages. Markus Grabitz has the details.
Time is short: The shadow rapporteurs on the AI Act must finally agree on important points so that they can negotiate the dossier with the Council before the end of the year. On Wednesday, they will meet for their first meeting this year. Co-rapporteur Dragoş Tudorache (Renew) is optimistic, but this is a sentiment that is far from shared by all. So far, the MEPs could not even agree on the definition of artificial intelligence. In the meantime, the US continues to advance its AI ecosystem, as Corinna Visser reports.
Diesel technology is also to be banned for buses. This is revealed in a Commission draft for CO2 fleet targets for heavy-duty vehicles, which is available to Europe.Table. The transition to battery-electric drives is particularly challenging for long-distance buses: This vehicle type is equipped with energy-intensive auxiliary units such as cooking and air-conditioning systems, which are powered by a diesel generator. The paper does not specify what phase-out date the Commission proposes for internal combustion engines in new buses.
Quotas for zero-emission city buses as early as 2030 are to be introduced. The Commission plans to present its proposal for emission standards for heavy-duty vehicles on February 14. So far, manufacturers must lower the CO2 emissions of their new vehicle fleets by 15 percent by 2025 and by 30 percent by 2030.
The legislative proposal is currently being coordinated between the Directorates General. The current draft does not yet contain any details on reduction targets after 2030. According to reports, the responsible Commission Vice-President Frans Timmermans wants to set the combustion engine phase-out for heavy-duty vehicles for 2040 and is pushing for CO2 emission reductions of 40 percent by 2030 compared to the reference period of July 2019 to June 2020. These targets are controversial within the Commission, however. Industry commissioner Thierry Breton opposes the idea, according to reports in Brussels.
According to the current draft, there are no plans to increase the targets in 2025. After 2030, the fleet limits will be tightened at five-year intervals and applied much more broadly. Previously, the limits only applied to large trucks. In the future, each manufacturer will be issued individual targets for cutting emissions from its entire fleet of new vehicles. To this end, subgroups will be formed based on vehicle-typical characteristics such as weight and bodies. The regulation does not yet cover smaller trucks, city buses and intercity buses.
The draft proposes to end the purchase incentives for zero-emission vehicles in 2029. The text also indicates that the Commission considers the use of e-fuels for heavy-duty vehicles. There is mention that the contribution of “renewable fuels and low-carbon fuels” will be examined. So far, only battery electric and fuel cell vehicles are considered zero-emission vehicles. Word is that the Commission is also considering the inclusion of the hydrogen combustion engine (H2 engine) in this category.
Trailers and bodies of heavy trucks are also to be regulated. Specifically, regulation will be based on the drag coefficient. At present, the maximum length of a semi-trailer truck (tractor unit and trailer) in the EU is 16.5 meters. Larger dimensions are permitted in the United States, for example. In the EU, larger dimensions for the tractor unit are under discussion. This would allow tractor units with better aerodynamics with the same cargo space, which would reduce CO2 emissions.
According to the draft, the Commission also wants to propose the ability to enact delegated acts for the details of CO2 fleet legislation without the involvement of the co-legislators Council and EU Parliament. Through a delegated act, the Commission would then be able to set criteria for the subgroups of commercial vehicles, potential changes to the criteria for the operational ranges of different powertrain technologies, and the list and weight of mission profiles.
Road transport accounts for one-fifth of climate gas emissions in the EU. Heavy trucks account for six percent of total EU climate gas emissions. This means they cause a quarter of all CO2 emissions from road transport. In 2019, CO2 emissions from heavy-duty vehicles were 44 percent higher than those from the entire aviation sector and 37 percent higher than those from maritime transport.
The chat bot ChatGPT is causing a stir in Europe. And while the US continues to strengthen its position in the field of Artificial Intelligence with a plan to develop a national research infrastructure, negotiations in the EU Parliament on the Artificial Intelligence Act (AI Act) are making only slow progress.
On Wednesday, the shadow rapporteurs will meet for their first meeting this year. The last meeting in 2022 had been canceled. It is not yet official what exactly the parliamentarians want to talk about. On Friday, the teams of the leading committees IMCO (Internal Market) and LIBE (Civil Liberties) were still working on the agenda.
Co-rapporteur Dragoş Tudorache (LIBE, Renew) is optimistic that negotiations in Parliament will continue “in the same spirit of cooperation and compromise that has characterized work on this dossier so far.” It has been possible “to reach a good agreement with solid majorities or even unanimity on a number of sensitive issues,” Tudorache said. He expressed confidence that this would also be achieved on the other issues.
In his circle, it is assumed that an agreement will be reached on several issues. The team is said to have worked hard to propose good compromises. Others are not that optimistic, not even in Tudorache’s faction.
Tudorache’s co-rapporteur is Brando Benifei (IMCO, S&D). The fact that two committees are simultaneously in charge of the dossier complicates the negotiations and delays the voting processes. While the Council has already reached a general approach, most of the major issues have not yet been resolved at the political level in Parliament.
Two technical level meetings were held last week. The staff members of the MEPs discussed, among other things, the amendments to Articles 8 to 12 (requirements for high-risk systems) and Article 53 (regulatory sandboxes). On the latter, agreement is said to be quite close.
However, there was no time to discuss Article 6 (classification of AI systems as high-risk systems). It is now on the agenda for the technical meeting today, Monday. All in all, according to those involved in the negotiations, there is still no agreement on any of the important points. And the opinions regarding the classification are also still far apart.
At the shadows meeting on Wednesday, some of the unresolved disagreements urgently need to be resolved, demands shadow rapporteur Svenja Hahn (IMCO, Renew). She also had the impression that “there is still disagreement on many issues.” These included, for example, the definition of AI, the method of risk classification or the list of banned AI systems. “This is where we need to make progress between the rapporteurs of the political groups as quickly as possible if we want to enter the trilogue negotiations before the summer,” says Hahn.
And there is still a lot to do: So far, parliamentarians have not even agreed on the definition of artificial intelligence.
The United States, on the other hand, continues to advance its AI ecosystem. The final report of the National Artificial Intelligence Research Resource (NAIRR) working group provides a roadmap for the development of a national research infrastructure. It is intended to facilitate access, including for smaller research institutions and organizations, to the resources essential to AI research and development. Experts expect the NAIRR to have far-reaching effects.
“Democratizing access to the cyberinfrastructure that fuels AI research and development will enable all of America’s diverse AI researchers to participate in exploring innovative ideas for advancing AI, including communities, institutions, and regions that have been traditionally underserved,” said Sethuraman Panchanathan, director of the National Science Foundation.
NAIRR could build AI capacity nationwide and support responsible AI research and development, “driving innovation and ensuring long-term U.S. competitiveness in this critical technology area.”
NAIRR’s goals are to accelerate innovation, increase talent diversity, improve capacity, and promote trusted AI. Those who want to be part of the network will have to be based in the US or affiliated with a US organization.
Anyone who reads or listens to interviews with Sophie Pornschlegel discovers a European with a mission: “German taxpayers are helping to finance an autocracy like Hungary.” That is the kind of sentence she says. The EU? Lets itself be blackmailed. It warns of an emerging mob rule in Europe. And persistently repeats its messages in the media.
Pornschlegel works in Brussels as a Senior Policy Analyst for the independent think tank European Policy Centre (EPC). There, she leads the Connecting Europe project with the Mercator Foundation. She analyzes Europe’s problems and proposes solutions – in articles, interviews and at events. “I don’t do this because I think the EU is simply great, but because it makes decisions that affect everyone and should therefore be discussed much more,” says Pornschlegel.
Europe’s open borders shape the 32-year-old’s life. Her mother is French, her father German. She gained professional experience in France, England, Germany and Belgium.
She feels that Europe’s media mostly report on the EU from a national perspective. All that matters, she says, is whether one’s own country has achieved its goals, whether it has emerged as the winner from a power struggle. Many journalists lack the necessary EU expertise, the perspective that transcends national borders, to correctly classify European decisions, says Pornschlegel. “Unfortunately they often don’t understand the EU’s complex set of rules or forget to report on important decisions.”
Therefore, politicians repeatedly blame the EU Commission for grievances, even though the responsibility lies elsewhere. Not only euroskeptics like Viktor Orbán take advantage of this, but also parties that are actually pro-European. In this way, everyone harms the EU – often unintentionally.
The Franco-German is examining relations between Berlin and Paris particularly closely. Currently, the rifts seem deeper than ever. Pornschlegel notes that both countries pursue their political goals without looking at their partners.
The German government passed its 200-billion aid package against rising gas and electricity prices without notifying its closest partner. France, in turn, is planning a new pipeline with Spain and Portugal – without involving Germany. “We don’t have time for such nationalistic pettiness,” Pornschlegel says, “given the magnitude of the crises.”
What she misses from Chancellor Olaf Scholz is the political will for a good partnership. “Scholz ignores the importance of Franco-German cooperation.” In her analyses, Pornschlegel proposes a concrete, strategic roadmap to revive the Franco-German axis. For example, the two countries should clarify exactly when they will invest in EU projects. She does not want to just complain and put her finger in the wound – she wants to help. Tomas Cabanis
It’s no secret that the German government coalition is often in conflict – and that includes European policy. The coalition agreement pledged “more stringent coordination” and a “united approach to European partners”. According to information available to Europe.Table, Germany’s EU ambassador Michael Clauß has now expressed his concerns in an urgent letter. He criticizes that Germany is not capable of speaking on many legislative projects negotiated by the diplomats of the Permanent Representation in the Council because the coordination between the German ministries is not working. Read more in the News section.
In mid-February, the Commission plans to present its proposal for CO2 fleet limits for heavy-duty vehicles. According to a draft available to Europe.Table, there is no plan to raise the standard in 2025. After 2030, fleet limits are to be tightened every five years and find much broader application. In addition, diesel buses are to be banned as well, the draft envisages. Markus Grabitz has the details.
Time is short: The shadow rapporteurs on the AI Act must finally agree on important points so that they can negotiate the dossier with the Council before the end of the year. On Wednesday, they will meet for their first meeting this year. Co-rapporteur Dragoş Tudorache (Renew) is optimistic, but this is a sentiment that is far from shared by all. So far, the MEPs could not even agree on the definition of artificial intelligence. In the meantime, the US continues to advance its AI ecosystem, as Corinna Visser reports.
Diesel technology is also to be banned for buses. This is revealed in a Commission draft for CO2 fleet targets for heavy-duty vehicles, which is available to Europe.Table. The transition to battery-electric drives is particularly challenging for long-distance buses: This vehicle type is equipped with energy-intensive auxiliary units such as cooking and air-conditioning systems, which are powered by a diesel generator. The paper does not specify what phase-out date the Commission proposes for internal combustion engines in new buses.
Quotas for zero-emission city buses as early as 2030 are to be introduced. The Commission plans to present its proposal for emission standards for heavy-duty vehicles on February 14. So far, manufacturers must lower the CO2 emissions of their new vehicle fleets by 15 percent by 2025 and by 30 percent by 2030.
The legislative proposal is currently being coordinated between the Directorates General. The current draft does not yet contain any details on reduction targets after 2030. According to reports, the responsible Commission Vice-President Frans Timmermans wants to set the combustion engine phase-out for heavy-duty vehicles for 2040 and is pushing for CO2 emission reductions of 40 percent by 2030 compared to the reference period of July 2019 to June 2020. These targets are controversial within the Commission, however. Industry commissioner Thierry Breton opposes the idea, according to reports in Brussels.
According to the current draft, there are no plans to increase the targets in 2025. After 2030, the fleet limits will be tightened at five-year intervals and applied much more broadly. Previously, the limits only applied to large trucks. In the future, each manufacturer will be issued individual targets for cutting emissions from its entire fleet of new vehicles. To this end, subgroups will be formed based on vehicle-typical characteristics such as weight and bodies. The regulation does not yet cover smaller trucks, city buses and intercity buses.
The draft proposes to end the purchase incentives for zero-emission vehicles in 2029. The text also indicates that the Commission considers the use of e-fuels for heavy-duty vehicles. There is mention that the contribution of “renewable fuels and low-carbon fuels” will be examined. So far, only battery electric and fuel cell vehicles are considered zero-emission vehicles. Word is that the Commission is also considering the inclusion of the hydrogen combustion engine (H2 engine) in this category.
Trailers and bodies of heavy trucks are also to be regulated. Specifically, regulation will be based on the drag coefficient. At present, the maximum length of a semi-trailer truck (tractor unit and trailer) in the EU is 16.5 meters. Larger dimensions are permitted in the United States, for example. In the EU, larger dimensions for the tractor unit are under discussion. This would allow tractor units with better aerodynamics with the same cargo space, which would reduce CO2 emissions.
According to the draft, the Commission also wants to propose the ability to enact delegated acts for the details of CO2 fleet legislation without the involvement of the co-legislators Council and EU Parliament. Through a delegated act, the Commission would then be able to set criteria for the subgroups of commercial vehicles, potential changes to the criteria for the operational ranges of different powertrain technologies, and the list and weight of mission profiles.
Road transport accounts for one-fifth of climate gas emissions in the EU. Heavy trucks account for six percent of total EU climate gas emissions. This means they cause a quarter of all CO2 emissions from road transport. In 2019, CO2 emissions from heavy-duty vehicles were 44 percent higher than those from the entire aviation sector and 37 percent higher than those from maritime transport.
The chat bot ChatGPT is causing a stir in Europe. And while the US continues to strengthen its position in the field of Artificial Intelligence with a plan to develop a national research infrastructure, negotiations in the EU Parliament on the Artificial Intelligence Act (AI Act) are making only slow progress.
On Wednesday, the shadow rapporteurs will meet for their first meeting this year. The last meeting in 2022 had been canceled. It is not yet official what exactly the parliamentarians want to talk about. On Friday, the teams of the leading committees IMCO (Internal Market) and LIBE (Civil Liberties) were still working on the agenda.
Co-rapporteur Dragoş Tudorache (LIBE, Renew) is optimistic that negotiations in Parliament will continue “in the same spirit of cooperation and compromise that has characterized work on this dossier so far.” It has been possible “to reach a good agreement with solid majorities or even unanimity on a number of sensitive issues,” Tudorache said. He expressed confidence that this would also be achieved on the other issues.
In his circle, it is assumed that an agreement will be reached on several issues. The team is said to have worked hard to propose good compromises. Others are not that optimistic, not even in Tudorache’s faction.
Tudorache’s co-rapporteur is Brando Benifei (IMCO, S&D). The fact that two committees are simultaneously in charge of the dossier complicates the negotiations and delays the voting processes. While the Council has already reached a general approach, most of the major issues have not yet been resolved at the political level in Parliament.
Two technical level meetings were held last week. The staff members of the MEPs discussed, among other things, the amendments to Articles 8 to 12 (requirements for high-risk systems) and Article 53 (regulatory sandboxes). On the latter, agreement is said to be quite close.
However, there was no time to discuss Article 6 (classification of AI systems as high-risk systems). It is now on the agenda for the technical meeting today, Monday. All in all, according to those involved in the negotiations, there is still no agreement on any of the important points. And the opinions regarding the classification are also still far apart.
At the shadows meeting on Wednesday, some of the unresolved disagreements urgently need to be resolved, demands shadow rapporteur Svenja Hahn (IMCO, Renew). She also had the impression that “there is still disagreement on many issues.” These included, for example, the definition of AI, the method of risk classification or the list of banned AI systems. “This is where we need to make progress between the rapporteurs of the political groups as quickly as possible if we want to enter the trilogue negotiations before the summer,” says Hahn.
And there is still a lot to do: So far, parliamentarians have not even agreed on the definition of artificial intelligence.
The United States, on the other hand, continues to advance its AI ecosystem. The final report of the National Artificial Intelligence Research Resource (NAIRR) working group provides a roadmap for the development of a national research infrastructure. It is intended to facilitate access, including for smaller research institutions and organizations, to the resources essential to AI research and development. Experts expect the NAIRR to have far-reaching effects.
“Democratizing access to the cyberinfrastructure that fuels AI research and development will enable all of America’s diverse AI researchers to participate in exploring innovative ideas for advancing AI, including communities, institutions, and regions that have been traditionally underserved,” said Sethuraman Panchanathan, director of the National Science Foundation.
NAIRR could build AI capacity nationwide and support responsible AI research and development, “driving innovation and ensuring long-term U.S. competitiveness in this critical technology area.”
NAIRR’s goals are to accelerate innovation, increase talent diversity, improve capacity, and promote trusted AI. Those who want to be part of the network will have to be based in the US or affiliated with a US organization.
Anyone who reads or listens to interviews with Sophie Pornschlegel discovers a European with a mission: “German taxpayers are helping to finance an autocracy like Hungary.” That is the kind of sentence she says. The EU? Lets itself be blackmailed. It warns of an emerging mob rule in Europe. And persistently repeats its messages in the media.
Pornschlegel works in Brussels as a Senior Policy Analyst for the independent think tank European Policy Centre (EPC). There, she leads the Connecting Europe project with the Mercator Foundation. She analyzes Europe’s problems and proposes solutions – in articles, interviews and at events. “I don’t do this because I think the EU is simply great, but because it makes decisions that affect everyone and should therefore be discussed much more,” says Pornschlegel.
Europe’s open borders shape the 32-year-old’s life. Her mother is French, her father German. She gained professional experience in France, England, Germany and Belgium.
She feels that Europe’s media mostly report on the EU from a national perspective. All that matters, she says, is whether one’s own country has achieved its goals, whether it has emerged as the winner from a power struggle. Many journalists lack the necessary EU expertise, the perspective that transcends national borders, to correctly classify European decisions, says Pornschlegel. “Unfortunately they often don’t understand the EU’s complex set of rules or forget to report on important decisions.”
Therefore, politicians repeatedly blame the EU Commission for grievances, even though the responsibility lies elsewhere. Not only euroskeptics like Viktor Orbán take advantage of this, but also parties that are actually pro-European. In this way, everyone harms the EU – often unintentionally.
The Franco-German is examining relations between Berlin and Paris particularly closely. Currently, the rifts seem deeper than ever. Pornschlegel notes that both countries pursue their political goals without looking at their partners.
The German government passed its 200-billion aid package against rising gas and electricity prices without notifying its closest partner. France, in turn, is planning a new pipeline with Spain and Portugal – without involving Germany. “We don’t have time for such nationalistic pettiness,” Pornschlegel says, “given the magnitude of the crises.”
What she misses from Chancellor Olaf Scholz is the political will for a good partnership. “Scholz ignores the importance of Franco-German cooperation.” In her analyses, Pornschlegel proposes a concrete, strategic roadmap to revive the Franco-German axis. For example, the two countries should clarify exactly when they will invest in EU projects. She does not want to just complain and put her finger in the wound – she wants to help. Tomas Cabanis
