It is getting serious for Wopke Hoekstra tonight. The designated climate commissioner is from 6:30 pm in the Environment Committee (ENVI) to answer the MEPs for three hours. The Dutchman already answered some open questions on Friday, as you can read in this issue’s news section. This concerns his commitment to the Green Deal and the Loss & Damage fund agreed at COP27 in Sharm el-Sheikh. Hoekstra has not yet provided any answers about his professional past with the Dutch oil company Shell, which Tiemo Woelken (SPD) wants to talk about. For the climate policy spokesman of the EPP, Peter Liese (CDU), Hoekstra’s past is not an issue.
Some in the EPP apparently have a much more problematic view of the second candidate for commissioner. Maroš Šefčovič, who has been a member of the EU Commission in various capacities since 2009, will also face the ENVI MEPs tomorrow, Tuesday, starting at 8:30 am. He is to take over the Green Deal dossier from Frans Timmermanns and also become Executive Vice-President.
While Liese emphasizes that he supports Šefčovič, he also reports other voices among the Christian Democrats. In the EPP, it has not been forgotten that nationalist Robert Fico, in his previous terms as prime minister of Slovakia, was twice instrumental in helping his compatriot Šefčovič to be nominated for a commissioner post in Brussels. If Hoekstra fails with the Greens and Socialists, things could get tight for Šefčovič in the Christian Democrat camp with regard to Fico.
It is precisely this Fico who has now won the parliamentary election in Slovakia with his socialist SMER party. He had announced that, as head of government, he would stop arms aid to neighboring Ukraine and only provide humanitarian aid. SMER did become the strongest force with 23 percent of the vote. Nevertheless, it is far from certain that Fico will form a government for the fourth time. For background information on the election in Slovakia, see our analysis. Have a good start to the week!
Cheerful singing and chanting resounded from the second floor of the headquarters of Robert Fico’s Smer-SD party on Sunday night. There, the leadership of the nationalist SMER party of the already three-time Slovak Prime Minister Fico, which is social democratic in name only, had gathered. The mood was improving as more votes were counted. At the beginning of the exciting election evening, things looked completely different.
Then, two forecasts based on by-election polls had been published. They did not see Smer-SD in the lead, but the liberal opponents Progressive Slovakia (PS) under 39-year-old leading candidate Michal Šimečka, who currently sits in the EU Parliament. However, Šimečka and his followers remained cautious. Contrary to forecasts, they missed entry into the Slovak National Council by a hair’s breadth in the previous elections. Yesterday afternoon, President Zusana Caputova announced she would entrust the formation of a government to the winner of the election today. This would mean that it would be Fico’s turn to look for coalition partners.
This time, the predictions of the opinion research institutes were even more off the mark. The 59-year-old Fico and his Smer-SD party won 22.94 percent of the vote, while the liberal PS came in at a distant 17.96 percent. The social democratic Hlas party of former prime minister Peter Pellegrini will tip the scales in the complicated negotiations to form a government. The anti-systemic anti-corruption party Olano, the Christian Democrats KDH, the liberal SAS and the extreme national party SNS, which is in line with Kremlin leader Putin, also made it into the new parliament. It was generally noted positively that the openly fascist Republika party will not be represented again in the new parliament. The voter turnout of more than 68 percent was the second best in the history of still young Slovakia.
PS leader Šimečka respected Fico’s victory but said it was “very bad news.” He promised everything possible would be done in the negotiations to form a government to prevent Fico from becoming the next prime minister. Fico has several options for forming a coalition that would need 76 of the 150 deputies for a majority in the National Council. With Hlas and the SNS national party, he would have 79 seats; with Hlas and the Christian Democrats, 81; and with Hlas, the Christian Democrats and the liberal SAS, the liberal PS would have 82 deputies.
Both models stand or fall above all with Hlas’ Social Democrats. The party of ex-Prime Minister Pellegrini is a split from Smer-SD from 2020. Ideologically, the two parties are still close. Political scientists, however, doubted why Hlas should now return to Fico’s fold, which it had only just left.
The two parties are at odds on the Ukraine issue. Hlas has so far insisted on continuing any aid to Kyiv, while Fico wants to deliver “no more cartridges” to the invaded neighbors, as he stressed during the election campaign. Speaking to the press on Sunday, he added: “Slovakia and the people here have more important problems than Ukraine. And these problems are our priority.”
He said as prime minister, he would do everything possible – including on EU soil – to ensure peace negotiations begin as soon as possible. “Further killing will not help anyone.” Accordingly, the war and the attitude of Slovakia are the possible links between Hlas and the liberal PS.
Another problem between Hlas and Smer-SD was identified by former Prime Minister Pellegrini: “Two premiers in one government is too much.” This immediately triggered speculation that Fico and Pellegrini might agree on a variant according to which a Fico government with Hlas would require Fico to support Pellegrini’s candidacy for future president in return.
The PS, on the other hand, would have a hard time getting the Christian Democrats from the KDH on board in negotiations. The Liberals have met with opposition from the KDH, especially with their ideas for marriage for all. A PS spokesman said, however, that they are, of course, prepared to compromise.
Particularly controversial among observers was how seriously Fico’s announcements in foreign policy were to be taken. Fico sought to reassure the press: “We will not change our foreign policy by a millimeter.” There could be no serious talk of leaving the EU, the Schengen area or a return from the euro. “However, we will criticize the EU where criticism is necessary,” he added.
The former Slovak ambassador in Prague, Peter Weiss, recalled that the country conducts 85 percent of its trade within the EU. “There is no room for going it alone in foreign policy. We need our Western allies.” Hans-Jörg Schmidt
The Catalan separatists are demanding a high price for supporting the Socialist Pedro Sánchez in the election for prime minister. Esquerra per Catalunya (ERC) and Junts per Catalunya are making an independence referendum in Catalonia and an amnesty a condition. They are demanding an amnesty for the twelve separatists convicted in the trial for their involvement in organizing the referendum and the proclamation of Catalonia’s independence in 2017.
More than two months after the general election in July, the focus is now on Pedro Sánchez, head of the PSOE. Previously, Alberto Núñez Feijóo, candidate of the Partido Popular (PP), failed twice in his attempt to secure a majority for the election as Spanish prime minister. In Friday’s second vote, which required only a simple majority, Feijóo received 172 yes and 177 no votes, with one invalid vote. It was precisely this invalid vote that was disputed.
It was Junts deputy Eduard Pujol, who had mistakenly voted for the PP candidate. Pujol then tried to rectify the situation. And after a few minutes of deliberation, the Presidium of the Chamber of Deputies declared his vote invalid. This, in turn, provoked protest from Feijóo’s supporters. Despite Feijóo’s defeat, the PP claims victory, saying that Feijóo drew a clear line with Sánchez, who was negotiating an amnesty and a referendum with ERC and Junts, even though both are unconstitutional.
While the vote was underway in Madrid, two resolutions were passed in the Catalan parliament: One calls for the future head of the Spanish government to guarantee an amnesty. The other, that the way be paved for an independence referendum in Catalonia. ERC and Junts demand by resolution: The national parliament should not support a candidate who does not promise a referendum. The original quote: no one should be elected “who is not committed to creating the conditions for the referendum to take place.”
In another resolution, ERC and Junts defended “the need for an amnesty law.” They say it is a matter of “annulling what has been classified as a criminal or administrative offense in the context of defending the exercise of Catalonia’s right to self-determination.” This is contrary to the Spanish Constitution, which does not grant the regions the right to self-determination.
Constitutional law experts such as former judges of the Constitutional Court have recently repeatedly stated that a possible amnesty would be unconstitutional. In November, Sánchez also stated in an interview with Al rojo vivo that his party could not grant an amnesty to those involved in the “procés 2017.” An amnesty would be against the law and the constitution. Also during the campaign for the July 23 elections, Sánchez defended there would be no amnesty and no referendum.
In an interview with Table.Media, constitutional lawyer and author Roberto L. Blanco Valdés explains that the amnesty would be “radical and absolutely unconstitutional.” Blanco points out that a possible amnesty would violate two articles of the Constitution: Article 117, which assigns jurisdiction exclusively to judges and prosecutors, and Article 62(i), which deals with the right to pardon.
In recent weeks, Sánchez and his ministers refused to answer questions about the amnesty. In response to whether, for example, Carles Puigdemont, ex-head of Junts and exile in Belgium, should be prosecuted, various PSOE ministers have refused to provide information, such as Budget Minister María Jesús Montero and Economy Minister Nadia Calviño. Sánchez has not mentioned the word amnesty in his speeches lately. The caretaker prime minister also refused to answer Feijóo in the debate in Parliament. Oscar Puente, a PSOE backbencher, did. The fact that Sánchez did not appear is seen as an insult.
Sánchez has until November 27 to organize his re-election. If he fails to do so, King Felipe VI would dissolve parliament and hold new elections on January 14. Political instability has become the biggest problem for Spain, which currently holds the EU presidency. The monarch, who according to Article 56 of the Constitution “mediates and moderates the proper functioning of the institutions,” is already facing his tenth round of consultations. His father Juan Carlos has reached ten consultations in 39 years of reign. Felipe Vl. has already reached this figure after 9.5 years at the head of state. This shows how difficult it has become to form a government in Spain over the years.
Two pictures hang in his small office on the eighth floor of the Parliament building in Brussels: One next to his desk shows Islamic art with ornaments and patterns. Opposite, on the other wall behind the seating area, hangs a painting in which the artist combines Jewish imagery with EU symbols. One of Sergey Lagodinsky’s special characteristics is that both Muslim and Jewish cultures are important to him.
In his small parliamentary office, it happens that he receives the Turkish EU ambassador for a cup of tea. As head of the European Parliament’s delegation to Turkey, Lagodinsky’s job includes keeping in touch with Turkish representatives.
Lagodinsky was born into a Jewish family in Astrakhan in today’s Russia at the very edge of Europe on the Caspian Sea. He emigrated to Germany as an 18-year-old Jewish contingent refugee with his brother, parents and grandparents. He had to learn German, quickly graduated from high school, studied law and passed the second state examination. Initially, he was involved in the American Jewish Committee.
When he received his German passport, Lagodinsky decided to become politically active and initially joined the SPD. He left when the SPD was unable to expel Thilo Sarrazin for discriminating against migrants in his book “Deutschland schafft sich ab” (Germany is abolishing itself). Lagodinsky, who studied public administration at Harvard on a scholarship after law school, justified the move at the time as follows: “I can stand it in a party with someone like Sarrazin, but I can’t stand it in a party that doesn’t want to face up to him for fear of the regulars’ table. Or even worse: that doesn’t even know if it wants to.”
That was in 2011. He handed in his party membership card, left the Federal Working Group of Jewish Social Democrats, which he had founded and led with a comrade from Frankfurt, and joined the Greens. Today, he says the SPD has changed, that it evolved in its attitude toward migrants.
Now it is too late for the comrades. Lagodinsky ran in 2019 in the twelfth place on the list of the Greens in the European election. In the next election in June, Lagodinsky could be second on the German list of the Greens.
The Realos have already named him internally as the candidate for the second place on the list in Germany. This is due to one man. Party leader Omid Nouripour is negotiating with the Fundi wing over whether Lagodinsky, who is politically at home in Berlin-Pankow and has the vote of the Brandenburg state association, will get the position. Terry Reintke, head of the parliamentary group and a member of the left wing, is expected to head the German list and also become the top candidate for the European Greens.
If there is no agreement between the wings in the run-up to the election at the federal delegates’ conference in Karlsruhe at the end of November, a fighting candidacy against climate politician Michael Bloss would also be conceivable. Bloss comes from the strong state association of Baden-Württemberg and has support among the Green youth. In the 2019 and 2014 European elections, Ska Keller and Sven Giegold, a woman and a man from the Fundi wing, respectively, were on the top lists. This time, the Realos are laying claim to second place. Lagodinsky is a good speaker. The party believes that he will win the duel in Karlsruhe against Bloss, who is not exactly known for his rhetorical skills.
In the European Parliament, Lagodinsky is Vice Chairman of the Legal Affairs Committee. He has a broad profile in terms of content. He fights for the rule of law, campaigns for Orban’s Hungary and Poland’s PiS not to be paid EU funds. For example, as rapporteur in the Legal Affairs Committee, he prepared the EP’s lawsuit against the Commission for failing to act on the application of the conditionality mechanism. In doing so, he also used his expertise as a lawyer and for international relations to position himself against the Scientific Service in the EP.
His report on the cross-national work of NGOs has found a broad majority in Parliament. He also works on artificial intelligence. Above all, however, he is perceived as a foreign policy expert. In the Ukraine war, he is clearly taking sides with Ukraine. This has sometimes earned him, a former Russian migrant, the accusation of being a warmonger in East Germany. Reinhard Bütikofer, the most high-profile foreign policy expert in the Green Party, is quitting after the European elections. Sergey Lagodinsky is expected to take his seat on the Foreign Affairs Committee. Markus Grabitz
It is getting serious for Wopke Hoekstra tonight. The designated climate commissioner is from 6:30 pm in the Environment Committee (ENVI) to answer the MEPs for three hours. The Dutchman already answered some open questions on Friday, as you can read in this issue’s news section. This concerns his commitment to the Green Deal and the Loss & Damage fund agreed at COP27 in Sharm el-Sheikh. Hoekstra has not yet provided any answers about his professional past with the Dutch oil company Shell, which Tiemo Woelken (SPD) wants to talk about. For the climate policy spokesman of the EPP, Peter Liese (CDU), Hoekstra’s past is not an issue.
Some in the EPP apparently have a much more problematic view of the second candidate for commissioner. Maroš Šefčovič, who has been a member of the EU Commission in various capacities since 2009, will also face the ENVI MEPs tomorrow, Tuesday, starting at 8:30 am. He is to take over the Green Deal dossier from Frans Timmermanns and also become Executive Vice-President.
While Liese emphasizes that he supports Šefčovič, he also reports other voices among the Christian Democrats. In the EPP, it has not been forgotten that nationalist Robert Fico, in his previous terms as prime minister of Slovakia, was twice instrumental in helping his compatriot Šefčovič to be nominated for a commissioner post in Brussels. If Hoekstra fails with the Greens and Socialists, things could get tight for Šefčovič in the Christian Democrat camp with regard to Fico.
It is precisely this Fico who has now won the parliamentary election in Slovakia with his socialist SMER party. He had announced that, as head of government, he would stop arms aid to neighboring Ukraine and only provide humanitarian aid. SMER did become the strongest force with 23 percent of the vote. Nevertheless, it is far from certain that Fico will form a government for the fourth time. For background information on the election in Slovakia, see our analysis. Have a good start to the week!
Cheerful singing and chanting resounded from the second floor of the headquarters of Robert Fico’s Smer-SD party on Sunday night. There, the leadership of the nationalist SMER party of the already three-time Slovak Prime Minister Fico, which is social democratic in name only, had gathered. The mood was improving as more votes were counted. At the beginning of the exciting election evening, things looked completely different.
Then, two forecasts based on by-election polls had been published. They did not see Smer-SD in the lead, but the liberal opponents Progressive Slovakia (PS) under 39-year-old leading candidate Michal Šimečka, who currently sits in the EU Parliament. However, Šimečka and his followers remained cautious. Contrary to forecasts, they missed entry into the Slovak National Council by a hair’s breadth in the previous elections. Yesterday afternoon, President Zusana Caputova announced she would entrust the formation of a government to the winner of the election today. This would mean that it would be Fico’s turn to look for coalition partners.
This time, the predictions of the opinion research institutes were even more off the mark. The 59-year-old Fico and his Smer-SD party won 22.94 percent of the vote, while the liberal PS came in at a distant 17.96 percent. The social democratic Hlas party of former prime minister Peter Pellegrini will tip the scales in the complicated negotiations to form a government. The anti-systemic anti-corruption party Olano, the Christian Democrats KDH, the liberal SAS and the extreme national party SNS, which is in line with Kremlin leader Putin, also made it into the new parliament. It was generally noted positively that the openly fascist Republika party will not be represented again in the new parliament. The voter turnout of more than 68 percent was the second best in the history of still young Slovakia.
PS leader Šimečka respected Fico’s victory but said it was “very bad news.” He promised everything possible would be done in the negotiations to form a government to prevent Fico from becoming the next prime minister. Fico has several options for forming a coalition that would need 76 of the 150 deputies for a majority in the National Council. With Hlas and the SNS national party, he would have 79 seats; with Hlas and the Christian Democrats, 81; and with Hlas, the Christian Democrats and the liberal SAS, the liberal PS would have 82 deputies.
Both models stand or fall above all with Hlas’ Social Democrats. The party of ex-Prime Minister Pellegrini is a split from Smer-SD from 2020. Ideologically, the two parties are still close. Political scientists, however, doubted why Hlas should now return to Fico’s fold, which it had only just left.
The two parties are at odds on the Ukraine issue. Hlas has so far insisted on continuing any aid to Kyiv, while Fico wants to deliver “no more cartridges” to the invaded neighbors, as he stressed during the election campaign. Speaking to the press on Sunday, he added: “Slovakia and the people here have more important problems than Ukraine. And these problems are our priority.”
He said as prime minister, he would do everything possible – including on EU soil – to ensure peace negotiations begin as soon as possible. “Further killing will not help anyone.” Accordingly, the war and the attitude of Slovakia are the possible links between Hlas and the liberal PS.
Another problem between Hlas and Smer-SD was identified by former Prime Minister Pellegrini: “Two premiers in one government is too much.” This immediately triggered speculation that Fico and Pellegrini might agree on a variant according to which a Fico government with Hlas would require Fico to support Pellegrini’s candidacy for future president in return.
The PS, on the other hand, would have a hard time getting the Christian Democrats from the KDH on board in negotiations. The Liberals have met with opposition from the KDH, especially with their ideas for marriage for all. A PS spokesman said, however, that they are, of course, prepared to compromise.
Particularly controversial among observers was how seriously Fico’s announcements in foreign policy were to be taken. Fico sought to reassure the press: “We will not change our foreign policy by a millimeter.” There could be no serious talk of leaving the EU, the Schengen area or a return from the euro. “However, we will criticize the EU where criticism is necessary,” he added.
The former Slovak ambassador in Prague, Peter Weiss, recalled that the country conducts 85 percent of its trade within the EU. “There is no room for going it alone in foreign policy. We need our Western allies.” Hans-Jörg Schmidt
The Catalan separatists are demanding a high price for supporting the Socialist Pedro Sánchez in the election for prime minister. Esquerra per Catalunya (ERC) and Junts per Catalunya are making an independence referendum in Catalonia and an amnesty a condition. They are demanding an amnesty for the twelve separatists convicted in the trial for their involvement in organizing the referendum and the proclamation of Catalonia’s independence in 2017.
More than two months after the general election in July, the focus is now on Pedro Sánchez, head of the PSOE. Previously, Alberto Núñez Feijóo, candidate of the Partido Popular (PP), failed twice in his attempt to secure a majority for the election as Spanish prime minister. In Friday’s second vote, which required only a simple majority, Feijóo received 172 yes and 177 no votes, with one invalid vote. It was precisely this invalid vote that was disputed.
It was Junts deputy Eduard Pujol, who had mistakenly voted for the PP candidate. Pujol then tried to rectify the situation. And after a few minutes of deliberation, the Presidium of the Chamber of Deputies declared his vote invalid. This, in turn, provoked protest from Feijóo’s supporters. Despite Feijóo’s defeat, the PP claims victory, saying that Feijóo drew a clear line with Sánchez, who was negotiating an amnesty and a referendum with ERC and Junts, even though both are unconstitutional.
While the vote was underway in Madrid, two resolutions were passed in the Catalan parliament: One calls for the future head of the Spanish government to guarantee an amnesty. The other, that the way be paved for an independence referendum in Catalonia. ERC and Junts demand by resolution: The national parliament should not support a candidate who does not promise a referendum. The original quote: no one should be elected “who is not committed to creating the conditions for the referendum to take place.”
In another resolution, ERC and Junts defended “the need for an amnesty law.” They say it is a matter of “annulling what has been classified as a criminal or administrative offense in the context of defending the exercise of Catalonia’s right to self-determination.” This is contrary to the Spanish Constitution, which does not grant the regions the right to self-determination.
Constitutional law experts such as former judges of the Constitutional Court have recently repeatedly stated that a possible amnesty would be unconstitutional. In November, Sánchez also stated in an interview with Al rojo vivo that his party could not grant an amnesty to those involved in the “procés 2017.” An amnesty would be against the law and the constitution. Also during the campaign for the July 23 elections, Sánchez defended there would be no amnesty and no referendum.
In an interview with Table.Media, constitutional lawyer and author Roberto L. Blanco Valdés explains that the amnesty would be “radical and absolutely unconstitutional.” Blanco points out that a possible amnesty would violate two articles of the Constitution: Article 117, which assigns jurisdiction exclusively to judges and prosecutors, and Article 62(i), which deals with the right to pardon.
In recent weeks, Sánchez and his ministers refused to answer questions about the amnesty. In response to whether, for example, Carles Puigdemont, ex-head of Junts and exile in Belgium, should be prosecuted, various PSOE ministers have refused to provide information, such as Budget Minister María Jesús Montero and Economy Minister Nadia Calviño. Sánchez has not mentioned the word amnesty in his speeches lately. The caretaker prime minister also refused to answer Feijóo in the debate in Parliament. Oscar Puente, a PSOE backbencher, did. The fact that Sánchez did not appear is seen as an insult.
Sánchez has until November 27 to organize his re-election. If he fails to do so, King Felipe VI would dissolve parliament and hold new elections on January 14. Political instability has become the biggest problem for Spain, which currently holds the EU presidency. The monarch, who according to Article 56 of the Constitution “mediates and moderates the proper functioning of the institutions,” is already facing his tenth round of consultations. His father Juan Carlos has reached ten consultations in 39 years of reign. Felipe Vl. has already reached this figure after 9.5 years at the head of state. This shows how difficult it has become to form a government in Spain over the years.
Two pictures hang in his small office on the eighth floor of the Parliament building in Brussels: One next to his desk shows Islamic art with ornaments and patterns. Opposite, on the other wall behind the seating area, hangs a painting in which the artist combines Jewish imagery with EU symbols. One of Sergey Lagodinsky’s special characteristics is that both Muslim and Jewish cultures are important to him.
In his small parliamentary office, it happens that he receives the Turkish EU ambassador for a cup of tea. As head of the European Parliament’s delegation to Turkey, Lagodinsky’s job includes keeping in touch with Turkish representatives.
Lagodinsky was born into a Jewish family in Astrakhan in today’s Russia at the very edge of Europe on the Caspian Sea. He emigrated to Germany as an 18-year-old Jewish contingent refugee with his brother, parents and grandparents. He had to learn German, quickly graduated from high school, studied law and passed the second state examination. Initially, he was involved in the American Jewish Committee.
When he received his German passport, Lagodinsky decided to become politically active and initially joined the SPD. He left when the SPD was unable to expel Thilo Sarrazin for discriminating against migrants in his book “Deutschland schafft sich ab” (Germany is abolishing itself). Lagodinsky, who studied public administration at Harvard on a scholarship after law school, justified the move at the time as follows: “I can stand it in a party with someone like Sarrazin, but I can’t stand it in a party that doesn’t want to face up to him for fear of the regulars’ table. Or even worse: that doesn’t even know if it wants to.”
That was in 2011. He handed in his party membership card, left the Federal Working Group of Jewish Social Democrats, which he had founded and led with a comrade from Frankfurt, and joined the Greens. Today, he says the SPD has changed, that it evolved in its attitude toward migrants.
Now it is too late for the comrades. Lagodinsky ran in 2019 in the twelfth place on the list of the Greens in the European election. In the next election in June, Lagodinsky could be second on the German list of the Greens.
The Realos have already named him internally as the candidate for the second place on the list in Germany. This is due to one man. Party leader Omid Nouripour is negotiating with the Fundi wing over whether Lagodinsky, who is politically at home in Berlin-Pankow and has the vote of the Brandenburg state association, will get the position. Terry Reintke, head of the parliamentary group and a member of the left wing, is expected to head the German list and also become the top candidate for the European Greens.
If there is no agreement between the wings in the run-up to the election at the federal delegates’ conference in Karlsruhe at the end of November, a fighting candidacy against climate politician Michael Bloss would also be conceivable. Bloss comes from the strong state association of Baden-Württemberg and has support among the Green youth. In the 2019 and 2014 European elections, Ska Keller and Sven Giegold, a woman and a man from the Fundi wing, respectively, were on the top lists. This time, the Realos are laying claim to second place. Lagodinsky is a good speaker. The party believes that he will win the duel in Karlsruhe against Bloss, who is not exactly known for his rhetorical skills.
In the European Parliament, Lagodinsky is Vice Chairman of the Legal Affairs Committee. He has a broad profile in terms of content. He fights for the rule of law, campaigns for Orban’s Hungary and Poland’s PiS not to be paid EU funds. For example, as rapporteur in the Legal Affairs Committee, he prepared the EP’s lawsuit against the Commission for failing to act on the application of the conditionality mechanism. In doing so, he also used his expertise as a lawyer and for international relations to position himself against the Scientific Service in the EP.
His report on the cross-national work of NGOs has found a broad majority in Parliament. He also works on artificial intelligence. Above all, however, he is perceived as a foreign policy expert. In the Ukraine war, he is clearly taking sides with Ukraine. This has sometimes earned him, a former Russian migrant, the accusation of being a warmonger in East Germany. Reinhard Bütikofer, the most high-profile foreign policy expert in the Green Party, is quitting after the European elections. Sergey Lagodinsky is expected to take his seat on the Foreign Affairs Committee. Markus Grabitz
