Table.Briefing: Europe

Solar industry in Europe + Environmentally friendly CAP + Ineffective climate subsidies

  • Solar industry: ways out of dependence
  • CAP: How agricultural subsidies should become more environmentally friendly
  • EU Court of Auditors: €729 million in climate aid almost ineffective
  • Ecodesign: Sweden does not want to ban destruction of unsold products
  • Energy ministers to discuss post-2030 policy
  • IEA: gas gap narrowing
  • EU Parliament backs WTO case against US
  • Tenth sanctions package: ‘We’re talking about €11 billion’
  • Negotiations on AI Act continue
  • Rule of law: Commission sues Poland
  • Heads: Piotr Buras – EU explainer in Warsaw
Dear reader,

With its plan to restrict exports of production equipment for the solar industry, China is hitting the West in a sensitive spot. However, the unpleasant news from Beijing may also be a wake-up call at the right time. For there are indeed ways out of dependence, as Nico Beckert has learned from experts. However, this would require a lot of political will, a few years of time – and billions of euros in start-up financing.

It is the largest item in the EU budget and thus the strongest instrument for implementing the green transformation of agriculture: the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP). However, although the subsidies have been increasingly linked to environmental protection requirements in recent years, the environmental balance sheet of the agricultural sector has hardly improved. This is now set to change with the help of a new body. Timo Landenberger has researched the tasks facing the monitoring committee.

A review by the European Court of Auditors has come to an unpleasant conclusion: EU financial resources intended to help countries in the Global South cope with climate impacts have failed to have the desired effect. At stake is a total of €729 million provided to the Global Climate Change Alliance (GCCA). Read more in the News.

He used to report from Berlin for Poland’s second-largest daily newspaper, but today he takes on the role of EU and Germany explainer in his home country and tries to convey the Polish perspective at EU level: In today’s Heads, we introduce you to Piotr Buras, the head of the ECFR office in Warsaw.

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Sarah Schaefer
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  • European policy

Feature

Solar energy: ways out of dependence

Europe can become less dependent on China for the production of solar products in the medium term. However, such a turnaround would need a lot of political will, billions of euros in start-up financing and several years’ time, experts and business representatives agree. Chinese plans to restrict exports of solar production equipment in the future could be a warning shot at the right time.

The world market leader plans to restrict exports of production equipment for the solar industry. In doing so, the People’s Republic hits the West at a weak point. Many Western plant manufacturers have given up due to cheap Chinese competition and the decline of the domestic solar industry.

Whether China’s planned export restrictions achieve their goal now depends on Europe’s political response. “China’s export restrictions on solar production equipment could severely torpedo the expansion of the solar industry in Europe,” Andreas Bett, director of the Fraunhofer Institute for Solar Energy Systems (Fraunhofer ISE), tells Table.Media. The establishment of industrial production along the entire value chain will be made more difficult, he adds.

Expertise still available in Germany

Because rebuilding a European supply chain would be entirely possible. The know-how for the individual steps of the solar supply chain “is basically still available in Europe – also in the area of mechanical engineering,” according to Bett. However, the knowledge would have to be reactivated and updated in order to be able to produce the required quantities of individual solar components and preliminary products.

According to Bett, it could take plant manufacturers “a good two to three years before they are able to provide substantial capacities. The longer politicians wait to provide support, the more difficult it will be to ramp up European production again.

The current Chinese approach is seen as a response to Western and Indian plans to rebuild or initially develop their own solar industry. If China implements the plans, Western buyers who want to expand their production and use Chinese equipment will have to undergo complicated approval procedures. In the end, the Chinese state will decide whether the technology can be exported.

Ramping up capacities again

Gunter Erfurt, CEO of Swiss solar cell and module producer Meyer Burger, is also convinced: Europe still has the necessary technologies in all parts of the complex supply chain. The rebuilding of the European solar industry will be “a major feat”, according to Erfurt.

With “the right strategic industrial policy, however, this would be possible despite a Chinese export ban on solar production equipment,” Erfurt tells Table.Media. However, this will not be easy. After all, outside China, only Germany still has the necessary technologies in some areas. Nevertheless, Erfurt is optimistic. He says it is entirely possible that “European plant manufacturers could ramp up their capacities quickly enough to make the expansion of European solar cell production possible.”

Huge market shares thanks to subsidies

Currently, China dominates all steps of the supply chain. Through high government subsidies and copying of Western technologies, manufacturers in the People’s Republic have achieved market shares of 75 to 97 percent. Erfurt complains that China has also leveraged market forces to achieve this. “Chinese solar manufacturers and plant engineers are not making profits,” Erfurt says. That is virtually state-imposed, he says, in order to remain the world market leader. The state also subsidizes production plants, he adds. The West’s solar dependence on China is now greater than its dependence on Russian gas and oil before the Ukraine war, Erfurt says.

To overcome its dependence on China, Europe must establish “technological sovereignty in the solar sector”, emphasizes Bett from Fraunhofer ISE. A market share of 30 to 50 percent should be produced in Europe for this purpose. That would be 50 to 60 gigawatts of production capacity. By comparison, solar manufacturer Meyer Burger plans to achieve an annual production capacity of three gigawatts by 2024.

Erfurt demands that politicians declare the photovoltaic sector “a strategic industrial sector”. In the first half of 2023, the political course must be set for this so that the development of the European solar industry can move forward.

Guarantees, subsidized electricity, local content

To accomplish the “tour de force” of building a European solar industry and prevail against subsidized Chinese competition, Fraunhofer CEO Bett suggests, among other things, government guarantees for private investors to ensure sales of their products. Guaranteed electricity prices and start-up financing, along with other support for the industry, can also provide crucial help, both analyst Bett and company CEO Erfurt emphasize.

The German government and the EU Commission are so far holding back on official classifications of China’s planned export restrictions. A spokesman for the Ministry for Economic Affairs stated that they could not “comment on possible intentions of the Chinese government”. A spokeswoman for the Commission said it was aware of the possible export restrictions and was currently analyzing them.

  • China
  • Climate & Environment
  • Dependency
  • Energy

CAP: How agricultural subsidies should become more environmentally friendly

The year 2023 marked the start of the new funding period for the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), which has always been the largest item in the EU budget, totaling €408 billion between 2014 and 2020, or about 38 percent of total spending. For the new period until 2027, €387 billion are available, around 31 percent of the budget.

This makes the CAP by far the strongest instrument for implementing the green transformation of agriculture envisaged under the EU’s Green Deal. However, although subsidies have been increasingly linked to environmental protection requirements in recent years, the environmental balance sheet of the agricultural sector has hardly improved. This should now change as a result of the reform, which only came about at the second attempt and after a long delay following tough negotiations in Brussels.

German strategy not sufficient

In order to do justice to regional differences, the model of national strategic plans was introduced – combined with the hope that ambitious states would lead the way. But the plan backfired. Even with the German strategy, largely still penned by the former government, the grand coalition, neither the EU environmental targets nor the targets set by the German government itself can be achieved.

According to analyses by the Ecologic Institute, the subsidy conditions in Germany, for example, aim for only 14 percent organic farming, by no means 30, as envisaged in the coalition agreement. “The CAP is – as of today – far from sufficient to achieve the goals of the European Green Deal,” says Lavinia Roveran, coordinator for nature conservation and agricultural policy at the Deutscher Naturschutzring (DNR). Further development is therefore urgently needed.

Adjusting funding framework annually

The Ministry of Agriculture is also aware of this and has set up a monitoring committee that is to adjust the framework conditions of CAP support annually and gear them toward greater environmental protection. EU law also provides for such further development.

The committee is a broad-based body with stakeholders from business, agriculture, science, environmental protection, politics and administration and is to meet several times a year. According to the BMEL, the aim is to align agricultural subsidies more precisely with the remuneration of public services during this funding period.

This is because even after the CAP reform, EU subsidies will mainly be paid out in the form of so-called area payments. In Germany, this is expected to be €156 per hectare, provided that the nine measures for maintaining “Good Agricultural and Environmental Conditions” (GAEC) are implemented. These include, for example, the set-aside of four percent of land, which was suspended for a year due to the effects of the Ukraine war, and crop rotation. But they also include specifications for the preservation of grassland or the protection of peatlands.

Reduce area payment

Direct payments have long been criticized. Environmental groups, in particular, criticize the nature conservation requirements as being too low. Small farms would be disadvantaged compared to large farms. In its coalition agreement, the German government, therefore, stipulated that the CAP’s flat-rate area payments should be reduced.

“In order for this to succeed, the national strategic plan must already be adapted in this funding period,” says DNR agricultural expert Roveran. But it is also important, she says, to provide planning security and support for farms as they switch from area payments to public management rewards. After all, the subsidy guidelines are becoming increasingly complicated and bureaucratic as a result.

The best example is the introduction of so-called eco schemes. These eco schemes are to be voluntary for farmers, and implementation is to be rewarded accordingly in order to create incentives. Germany has defined seven such eco schemes, including the renunciation of pesticides or the cultivation of diverse crops.

Eco schemes not attractive enough?

“We still see a lot of need for improvement here,” says Udo Hemmerling, deputy secretary general of the German Farmers’ Association (DBV). About €1 billion a year is reserved for eco schemes in Germany. “But we fear that this sum will not be called up at all. The funding for the individual measures is not attractive enough for many farmers to participate.” This is where the committee needs to take action, he said.

The German Association of Energy and Water Industries (BDEW) is also one of the committee members. The core requirement is to make agriculture more sustainable, particularly with regard to water protection. “The pollution of soils and groundwater through fertilization and the use of pesticides, for example, must be reduced,” says Martin Weyand, BDEW managing director for water. He also calls for targeted promotion of water-saving irrigation via the CAP.

How many changes the committee can bring about, given its size and the diversity of interests alone, remains questionable. Hemmerling says the establishment of the committee is right and an opportunity for more mutual understanding. “But I don’t think we can move mountains in terms of agricultural policy.” Especially since the federal and state governments have the structural majority.

If the intended CAP funding targets are not achieved, the EU Commission makes it a prerequisite that the monitoring committee obtains corrective proposals. The continuation of funding could be made dependent on this. And in the end, this should be in everyone’s interest.

Events

Feb. 17, 2023; 3:30-5 p.m., Munich (Germany)
DGAP, Discussion Debating the West’s Response to Digital Information Warfare: A Call to Action in a Polarized World
The German Council on Foreign Relations (DGAP) provides an opportunity for participants to actively engage in a timely and important discussion about the future of information warfare, and the role of the West in this threat to the liberal democratic order. INFO & REGISTRATION

Feb. 20-21, 2023; Amsterdam (Netherlands)
Conference Kickstart Europe
KickStart Europe is the annual strategy and networking conference on trends and investments in tech and digital infrastructure. INFO & REGISTRATION

News

EU Court of Auditors: €729 million in climate aid almost ineffective

EU financial resources intended to help countries in the Global South cope with climate impacts have failed to have the hoped-for effect. There has been no measurement of whether people’s situations have improved, nor has there been sufficient focus on the needs of those most affected by climate change. Moreover, the aid had not always reached the most vulnerable recipients.

This is the conclusion of a review by the European Court of Auditors published on Wednesday. A total of €729 million was allocated to the 2007 Global Climate Change Alliance (GCCA). “We found that the GCCA has been less effective than hoped and that the transition from capacity building to more concrete actions and direct assistance to populations has not been systematic,” comments Hannu Takkula, the auditor in charge at the EU Court of Auditors.

High costs with little effect

GCCA funds were earmarked particularly for the poor developing countries most vulnerable to climate change – the so-called Least Developed Countries (LDCs) and Small Island Developing States (SIDS). There, knowledge exchange and support for adaptation, climate change mitigation and disaster risk reduction were to be promoted by the EU.

The auditors state that the initiative has “not demonstrably” been able to meet these goals. Although the completed measures had achieved results, “in part, however, at a high cost”. Whether these costs were appropriate had not been sufficiently verified. The organization of its development measures was also inefficient. In addition, the initiative was little known both in the developing countries and in the EU, although its funds benefited 80 countries during its 15-year term.

Nor had the EU Commission been able to mobilize additional funds from the member states and the private sector. Despite this funding gap, however, the Commission would not have adjusted its targets. In the future, the EU Commission should focus “on those most affected by climate change and incorporate past experience into future climate protection as well as development aid measures,” Takkula demands.

Commission defends successes of the initiative

The Commission accepts these recommendations. However, when asked, it stresses that the success of possible increased climate resilience must be considered together with other EU-funded instruments. The GCCA has “greatly contributed” to countries’ ability to identify their vulnerabilities and design adaptation strategies, the Commission says. The initiative has also helped lay the groundwork for climate policies in several LDCs and SIDS, it said.

However, the GCCA does not have a future anyway. In 2020, the Commission decided not to continue the initiative and to support the management of climate change in developing countries through other instruments and funding pots. luk

  • Climate & Environment
  • Climate Policy

Ecodesign: Sweden does not want to ban destruction of unsold products

The Swedish Council Presidency does not want to adopt the ban on the destruction of unsold products in the Ecodesign Regulation for Sustainable Products (ESPR) demanded by several EU member states. In a compromise proposal that Sweden will present to the Council’s Competitiveness Working Group this morning and that the French news platform “Contexte” has published, the Council Presidency proposes instead an obligation to minimize waste.

According to the proposal, the specific Ecodesign requirements for individual product groups will also be decided by means of implementing acts, in which the member states will have a greater say.

Some member states, such as France, had campaigned for a general ban on the destruction of unsold products. The rapporteur in the Parliament, Alessandra Moretti (S&D), also wants to sharpen the Commission draft and calls for a ban at least for textiles and electronic devices.

Exemptions for SME

Instead, Sweden proposes the introduction of a “policy of dealing with unsold products” for economic operators who repeatedly dispose of unsold consumer goods. According to the proposal, this should include minimizing the amount of waste generated and limiting the number of unsold consumer goods.

In the proposal, the Council Presidency also specifies the obligation to disclose the quantities of unsold products that are destroyed and strengthens the exemption for Small and Medium-sized Enterprises (SME). These are to be affected by this obligation only if they account for a “significant share” of the volume of unsold goods destroyed. For there to be a ban on individual product groups, Sweden requires “reasonable justification” and a proven reduction in environmental impact.

The Commission had proposed delegated acts for the development of product-specific ecodesign requirements. According to the Swedish proposal, these are to be decided on the basis of implementing acts, in which the member states would have a stronger right to co-determination. Sweden’s aim is for the Council of Industry Ministers to adopt a common position on the text in May. leo

  • Climate & Environment
  • Sustainability

Energy ministers to discuss post-2030 policy

Even before the adoption of important energy legislation, the Swedish Council Presidency wants to initiate a debate on long-term energy policy after 2030. That’s according to the list of questions Sweden has published for the informal meeting of energy and transport ministers in Stockholm at the end of February.

“How should EU energy policy evolve beyond the Fit for 55 package to meet the twin goals of achieving net zero emissions by 2050 and promoting industrial competitiveness and productivity in all member states?” This is one of the two guiding questions for the second day of the meeting, which will be devoted entirely to long-term energy and industrial policy.

With its push, the Swedish Presidency is adding another heavyweight issue to energy policy, which is already under considerable pressure. On the first day of the meeting, energy ministers are to discuss priorities for the electricity market reform and measures for securing gas supplies before the coming winter. A joint session with the transport ministers is also to focus on pipeline and charging infrastructure, as well as framework conditions for biofuels and hydrogen.

Gas market package and other energy legislation still pending

In addition, no major projects from Fit for 55 have been completed in the energy sector so far. The trilogues on RED III and the Efficiency Directive are still ongoing. In March, Parliament will also define its position on the Buildings Directive and the gas market package.

The Council Presidency now also wants to bring forward the general orientation of the gas market package. It is to be decided at the regular Council of Energy Ministers on March 28, a spokesman confirmed yesterday. Originally, it was scheduled for June. Therefore, there were doubts whether the package could even be adopted before the European elections in spring 2024. The rapporteur of the gas market directive, Jens Geier (SPD), had recently called on the Council to define its position during the current Presidency.

One argument in favor of an early discussion on energy policy after 2030 is that the Commission must present a new proposal for the 2040 climate targets by spring 2024. ber

  • Climate Policy
  • Electricity market
  • Electromobility
  • Energy policy
  • Hydrogen
  • Kraftstoffe
  • Natural gas

IEA: gas gap narrowing

The risk of a gas shortfall this year has narrowed significantly, according to a new report from the International Energy Agency (IEA). In a pessimistic scenario, a gap of 40 billion cubic meters (bcm) still looms, according to an updated estimate released Wednesday. In a December analysis, the IEA had still put the looming gap at 57 bcm if the EU wanted to fill its storage to 95 percent before the winter of 2023/24.

However, policy measures such as more renewables can reduce the gap even further. Steps already adopted would shrink the gap by 30 bcm, the IEA had estimated in its analysis in December, suggesting a number of further measures. But the 10 bcm gap that now remains would only mean that the EU would not be able to fully fill its storage to the 95 percent level.

From importer to exporter

The IEA explains the more favorable situation on the one hand by the fact that gas supplies up to mid-February were 5 bcm higher than assumed in December. At that time, the IEA had assumed that Russia would completely stop its deliveries from the beginning of the year. In fact, however, the remaining gas flows in January were only 35 percent lower than in December. In addition, the UK unexpectedly turned from an importer to an exporter in the winter.

Furthermore, gas demand was 10 bcm lower than initially assumed – largely due to mild temperatures. In addition, the IEA has slightly revised its assumption on the exports that Ukraine and Moldova might need from the EU – from 12 to only 10 bcm.

Nevertheless, the IEA advises sticking to political measures for securing gas supply. Among other things, gas consumption must be structurally reduced and existing infrastructure must be better utilized or slightly expanded. ber

  • Gas prices
  • Gas storage
  • Natural gas

EU Parliament backs WTO case against US

The European Parliament is expected to back taking action, if necessary, before the World Trade Organization against certain provisions in the US Inflation Reduction Act. The EU should be “ready to file a complaint against the IRA under the dispute settlement system if the assessment shows that the law remains discriminatory in its implementation,” according to a draft resolution on competitiveness to be voted on Thursday in plenary.

The US law ties tax incentives and subsidies for climate-friendly technologies in part to production sites in North America. “The local content requirements are a clear violation of the most-favored-nation clause and the principle of equal treatment for domestic and foreigners,” Bernd Lange (SPD), chairman of the trade committee, told Table.Media. Proceedings before the WTO could “create clarity among friends,” he added.

Using old and new money

The EU Commission is currently negotiating with the US government in a task force to achieve equal treatment for European companies in the IRA. In the Commission, Vice President Valdis Dombrovskis, who is responsible for trade, is said to be sympathetic to going to the WTO if the negotiations fail to produce sufficient concessions from Washington. Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, however, shies away from a conflict with the important ally, according to EU circles.

In addition, the draft resolution advocates, among other things, more flexible state aid rules and faster approval procedures for renewable energy projects. For the European Sovereignty Fund announced by the Commission, the text first calls for a needs analysis. The fund should use “as much as possible existing unused funds” from the Covid reconstruction program and the EU budget, but also fresh money. In addition, the resolution calls for a strengthening of the Sure short-time work program, which is fed by EU debt.

EPP quarrels over rejection of the resolution

The resolution is supported by the Socialist, Liberal, Green and Left groups. The EPP group, however, did not want to endorse it. It is “significant that the left side of the European Parliament (…) prevents a necessary commitment to the conclusion of trade agreements, hushes up the realities of fossil energy production, demands new requirements and wants to create new common EU debts,” says the industrial policy spokesman of the EPP Group, Christian Ehler (CDU). All this has little to do with competitiveness.

However, the negative stance caused intense discussions in the group. Participants in yesterday evening’s group meeting assume that some EPP deputies will nevertheless agree to the text. In the other groups, the behavior of the Christian Democrats is also seen as part of a power struggle between EPP leader Manfred Weber and von der Leyen (CDU). Weber, they say, wants to signal to the CDU politician that she cannot rely on her own majority.

The leader of the Left Group, Martin Schirdewan, criticized: “The conservatives prove that they have no idea about industrial policy.” FDP MEP Nicola Beer said the EPP is now also called upon to shape the sovereignty fund “at least in a meaningful way, namely away from debt and subsidy pots, towards innovation and a more competitive Europe.” tho

  • European Parliament
  • Industrial policy
  • Inflation Reduction Act
  • USA

Tenth sanctions package: ‘We’re talking about €11 billion’

The EU is preparing another sanctions package shortly before the anniversary of Russia’s attack on Ukraine. “We are talking about around €11 billion,” EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen told the European Parliament on Wednesday. The individual measures are likely to target not only Russia but also Iran. Russia, she said, was using Iranian-made drones for attacks in Ukraine.

However, all 27 EU member states must agree to new sanctions, which has repeatedly led to tedious debates. Representatives of the EU countries were to discuss details in Brussels on Wednesday. Feb. 24 marks the first anniversary of the Russian invasion. By then, the EU states could have reached an agreement.

The Russian war machine should be specifically weakened with the tenth sanctions package, von der Leyen said. “We need to keep the pressure on.” There are to be restrictions on certain electronic components used in drones, missiles and helicopters, she said. Four other Russian banks are also to be excluded from the Swift international payments system, including Alfa Bank and Rosbank, according to diplomats. Rubber and asphalt were also to be added to the list of prohibited trade goods. rtr

  • EU foreign policy

Negotiations on AI Act continue

Negotiations on the AI Regulation (AI Act) will take longer than foreseen by co-rapporteurs Dragoş Tudorache (Renew/LIBE) and Brando Benifei (S&D/IMCO) after all. During the five-hour meeting of shadow rapporteurs on Wednesday afternoon, MEPs did not agree on any compromises, Table.Media learned from the Renew group as well as from the EPP and the Greens/EFA. The text still needs a lot of work, participants said. But they also said that there had been convergences.

There were 14 items on the agenda, but only the first five were discussed:

  • Article 2 – Scope
  • Article 3 – Definition
  • Article 5 – Prohibited Practices
  • Article 6 – Classification of High-Risk AI Systems
  • Annex III – High-Risk AI Systems

Dispute over the definition of AI

When it comes to the definition of artificial intelligence, the rapporteurs have now proposed a formulation from NIST, the US National Institute of Standards and Technology. The Greens, for example, can live with this. The EPP, however, would like to see a formulation aligned with the OECD definition, as it does not want to go down a special path but would rather like to be guided by a definition that is as internationally recognized as possible.

However, the OECD is still working on the definition – and the other groups do not want to wait that long. “If we were to adopt the NIST definition, that would be a major concession,” said EPP shadow rapporteur Axel Voss. But it would also be possible to introduce the OECD definition in the course of the trilogue.

From the point of view of the Greens, a majority is emerging in favor of a complete ban on biometric recognition in public spaces – both in the area of real-time recognition and recordings – when it comes to prohibited practices. Axel Voss of the EPP, on the other hand, said that an absolute ban made no sense from his group’s point of view. Rather, limits would have to be drawn so as not to infringe on the rights of individuals.

Schedule is still open

The Greens attach importance to ensuring that the system of definition, classification of high-risk systems and Annex III is coordinated in such a way that it also works in regulation. Some groups wanted the scope of application to be more and more unified, so that in the end fewer and fewer systems would fall under the law, criticized Sergey Lagodinsky, shadow rapporteur for the Greens. “That’s not the point of regulation,” he said. “We need to pay attention to the internal logic.”

The members of parliament agree on one thing: they all want to make rapid progress. However, there is no new schedule yet. From the EPP’s point of view, it would theoretically be possible to reach an agreement in March. Then the committees could vote in April and the plenum in May. vis

  • Artificial Intelligence Regulation
  • Digital policy

Rule of law: Commission sues Poland

In a dispute with Poland over the principles of the rule of law, the Commission has filed a complaint with the Court of Justice of the European Union (ECJ). The move was triggered by rulings by the Polish Constitutional Court in July and October last year, which ruled that provisions of EU treaties were unconstitutional and explicitly questioned the primacy of EU law over national law.

The EU Commission said on Wednesday that with these decisions, the Polish Constitutional Court had violated general principles – such as the principles of uniform application of EU law and the binding effect of ECJ rulings.

Permanent conflict between Brussels and PIS

The nationalist and Euroskeptic government led by the PiS, which has been in power in Poland since 2015, is at loggerheads with the EU on a larger scale over rule of law issues. The conflict has already led the Commission to launch infringement proceedings against the country and withhold funds.

The EU Commission said Wednesday that following changes to the Constitutional Tribunal by the ruling PiS party, the body no longer meets the requirements of an independent and impartial tribunal. It said this was due to irregularities in the appointment procedures of judges at the end of 2015 and the selection of the chairman at the end of 2016. rtr

  • EU
  • European Commission

Heads

Piotr Buras – EU explainer in Poland

Piotr Buras has headed the ECFR office in Warsaw since 2012.

Piotr Buras was 15 years old when the socialist dictatorships in Eastern and Central Europe crumbled and a democracy emerged in Poland. When he studied international relations in Warsaw in the 1990s, Europe was still a myth in Poland. Today, Buras heads the Warsaw office of the European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR) and defends the European idea against a government that is increasingly losing faith in the EU’s institutions.

Buras is an expert on Germany and Poland, often appearing in Polish media as an EU and Germany explainer. As a representative of ECFR, Buras argues primarily for stronger foreign policy cooperation among EU states. He and his colleagues regularly publish analyses, for example on European support for Ukraine. ECFR operates on a donor-funded basis, with two-thirds of the think tank’s money coming from non-profit organizations. The rest of the funding is almost entirely provided by European governments and EU institutions. The Polish Foreign Ministry is not among the supporters.

Learning the German language as a child

His studies, his work, his interest led Piotr Buras to Germany again and again. In 1995, he spent half a year in Berlin as a student. He didn’t actually study there, but he had a good time, made friends and learned a lot about the country, Buras says. And it became a life goal to live in Berlin, he says. He then returned in 2008, initially working on a political science research project for a few months. Then, for several years – until 2012 – he reported from Berlin for Poland’s second-largest daily newspaper, the left-liberal and pro-European Gazeta Wyborcza.

The roots of his interest in Germany and Europe lie in his family. His parents both studied German language and literature. His father was part of the Solidarność movement in the 1980s. He learned his first German phrases as a child, Buras says. Today he speaks fluent German, English and Polish.

But it was above all the Polish zeitgeist of the 1990s that brought him to Germany. “At that time, there was a saying: Poland’s path to Europe leads through Germany,” Buras says. “That was geographically uncontroversial. But also true in a political sense.”

Poland’s need for security

In 2012, after his time in Germany, Buras took over as head of the ECFR office in Warsaw, one of seven offices in various European capitals. “We assume that it takes a good understanding of national debates and interests to be able to develop an efficient EU foreign policy,” says Buras, referring to ECFR’s self-image.

The task of the Warsaw office is, on the one hand, to promote the concepts of ECFR in Poland – among politicians, for example, for a common EU policy on Russia. On the other hand, the goal is to communicate the Polish perspective at the European level, for example, to explain Poland’s special security needs.

Since the PiS party took over the Polish government in 2015, Buras’ work as an advocate has changed. In his first years at ECFR, close cooperation with the Foreign Ministry was possible, Buras says. But the tone has become harsher, the work more defensive, he says. “Since the change of power, it’s more and more about defending the principles of European integration against the attacks we experience in Poland every day.” The Polish government is now resistant to consultation on European issues, he said. Michel Krasenbrink

  • EU-Außenpolitik
  • European policy
  • Poland

Europe.Table Editorial Office

EUROPE.TABLE EDITORS

Licenses:
    • Solar industry: ways out of dependence
    • CAP: How agricultural subsidies should become more environmentally friendly
    • EU Court of Auditors: €729 million in climate aid almost ineffective
    • Ecodesign: Sweden does not want to ban destruction of unsold products
    • Energy ministers to discuss post-2030 policy
    • IEA: gas gap narrowing
    • EU Parliament backs WTO case against US
    • Tenth sanctions package: ‘We’re talking about €11 billion’
    • Negotiations on AI Act continue
    • Rule of law: Commission sues Poland
    • Heads: Piotr Buras – EU explainer in Warsaw
    Dear reader,

    With its plan to restrict exports of production equipment for the solar industry, China is hitting the West in a sensitive spot. However, the unpleasant news from Beijing may also be a wake-up call at the right time. For there are indeed ways out of dependence, as Nico Beckert has learned from experts. However, this would require a lot of political will, a few years of time – and billions of euros in start-up financing.

    It is the largest item in the EU budget and thus the strongest instrument for implementing the green transformation of agriculture: the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP). However, although the subsidies have been increasingly linked to environmental protection requirements in recent years, the environmental balance sheet of the agricultural sector has hardly improved. This is now set to change with the help of a new body. Timo Landenberger has researched the tasks facing the monitoring committee.

    A review by the European Court of Auditors has come to an unpleasant conclusion: EU financial resources intended to help countries in the Global South cope with climate impacts have failed to have the desired effect. At stake is a total of €729 million provided to the Global Climate Change Alliance (GCCA). Read more in the News.

    He used to report from Berlin for Poland’s second-largest daily newspaper, but today he takes on the role of EU and Germany explainer in his home country and tries to convey the Polish perspective at EU level: In today’s Heads, we introduce you to Piotr Buras, the head of the ECFR office in Warsaw.

    Your
    Sarah Schaefer
    Image of Sarah  Schaefer
    • European policy

    Feature

    Solar energy: ways out of dependence

    Europe can become less dependent on China for the production of solar products in the medium term. However, such a turnaround would need a lot of political will, billions of euros in start-up financing and several years’ time, experts and business representatives agree. Chinese plans to restrict exports of solar production equipment in the future could be a warning shot at the right time.

    The world market leader plans to restrict exports of production equipment for the solar industry. In doing so, the People’s Republic hits the West at a weak point. Many Western plant manufacturers have given up due to cheap Chinese competition and the decline of the domestic solar industry.

    Whether China’s planned export restrictions achieve their goal now depends on Europe’s political response. “China’s export restrictions on solar production equipment could severely torpedo the expansion of the solar industry in Europe,” Andreas Bett, director of the Fraunhofer Institute for Solar Energy Systems (Fraunhofer ISE), tells Table.Media. The establishment of industrial production along the entire value chain will be made more difficult, he adds.

    Expertise still available in Germany

    Because rebuilding a European supply chain would be entirely possible. The know-how for the individual steps of the solar supply chain “is basically still available in Europe – also in the area of mechanical engineering,” according to Bett. However, the knowledge would have to be reactivated and updated in order to be able to produce the required quantities of individual solar components and preliminary products.

    According to Bett, it could take plant manufacturers “a good two to three years before they are able to provide substantial capacities. The longer politicians wait to provide support, the more difficult it will be to ramp up European production again.

    The current Chinese approach is seen as a response to Western and Indian plans to rebuild or initially develop their own solar industry. If China implements the plans, Western buyers who want to expand their production and use Chinese equipment will have to undergo complicated approval procedures. In the end, the Chinese state will decide whether the technology can be exported.

    Ramping up capacities again

    Gunter Erfurt, CEO of Swiss solar cell and module producer Meyer Burger, is also convinced: Europe still has the necessary technologies in all parts of the complex supply chain. The rebuilding of the European solar industry will be “a major feat”, according to Erfurt.

    With “the right strategic industrial policy, however, this would be possible despite a Chinese export ban on solar production equipment,” Erfurt tells Table.Media. However, this will not be easy. After all, outside China, only Germany still has the necessary technologies in some areas. Nevertheless, Erfurt is optimistic. He says it is entirely possible that “European plant manufacturers could ramp up their capacities quickly enough to make the expansion of European solar cell production possible.”

    Huge market shares thanks to subsidies

    Currently, China dominates all steps of the supply chain. Through high government subsidies and copying of Western technologies, manufacturers in the People’s Republic have achieved market shares of 75 to 97 percent. Erfurt complains that China has also leveraged market forces to achieve this. “Chinese solar manufacturers and plant engineers are not making profits,” Erfurt says. That is virtually state-imposed, he says, in order to remain the world market leader. The state also subsidizes production plants, he adds. The West’s solar dependence on China is now greater than its dependence on Russian gas and oil before the Ukraine war, Erfurt says.

    To overcome its dependence on China, Europe must establish “technological sovereignty in the solar sector”, emphasizes Bett from Fraunhofer ISE. A market share of 30 to 50 percent should be produced in Europe for this purpose. That would be 50 to 60 gigawatts of production capacity. By comparison, solar manufacturer Meyer Burger plans to achieve an annual production capacity of three gigawatts by 2024.

    Erfurt demands that politicians declare the photovoltaic sector “a strategic industrial sector”. In the first half of 2023, the political course must be set for this so that the development of the European solar industry can move forward.

    Guarantees, subsidized electricity, local content

    To accomplish the “tour de force” of building a European solar industry and prevail against subsidized Chinese competition, Fraunhofer CEO Bett suggests, among other things, government guarantees for private investors to ensure sales of their products. Guaranteed electricity prices and start-up financing, along with other support for the industry, can also provide crucial help, both analyst Bett and company CEO Erfurt emphasize.

    The German government and the EU Commission are so far holding back on official classifications of China’s planned export restrictions. A spokesman for the Ministry for Economic Affairs stated that they could not “comment on possible intentions of the Chinese government”. A spokeswoman for the Commission said it was aware of the possible export restrictions and was currently analyzing them.

    • China
    • Climate & Environment
    • Dependency
    • Energy

    CAP: How agricultural subsidies should become more environmentally friendly

    The year 2023 marked the start of the new funding period for the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), which has always been the largest item in the EU budget, totaling €408 billion between 2014 and 2020, or about 38 percent of total spending. For the new period until 2027, €387 billion are available, around 31 percent of the budget.

    This makes the CAP by far the strongest instrument for implementing the green transformation of agriculture envisaged under the EU’s Green Deal. However, although subsidies have been increasingly linked to environmental protection requirements in recent years, the environmental balance sheet of the agricultural sector has hardly improved. This should now change as a result of the reform, which only came about at the second attempt and after a long delay following tough negotiations in Brussels.

    German strategy not sufficient

    In order to do justice to regional differences, the model of national strategic plans was introduced – combined with the hope that ambitious states would lead the way. But the plan backfired. Even with the German strategy, largely still penned by the former government, the grand coalition, neither the EU environmental targets nor the targets set by the German government itself can be achieved.

    According to analyses by the Ecologic Institute, the subsidy conditions in Germany, for example, aim for only 14 percent organic farming, by no means 30, as envisaged in the coalition agreement. “The CAP is – as of today – far from sufficient to achieve the goals of the European Green Deal,” says Lavinia Roveran, coordinator for nature conservation and agricultural policy at the Deutscher Naturschutzring (DNR). Further development is therefore urgently needed.

    Adjusting funding framework annually

    The Ministry of Agriculture is also aware of this and has set up a monitoring committee that is to adjust the framework conditions of CAP support annually and gear them toward greater environmental protection. EU law also provides for such further development.

    The committee is a broad-based body with stakeholders from business, agriculture, science, environmental protection, politics and administration and is to meet several times a year. According to the BMEL, the aim is to align agricultural subsidies more precisely with the remuneration of public services during this funding period.

    This is because even after the CAP reform, EU subsidies will mainly be paid out in the form of so-called area payments. In Germany, this is expected to be €156 per hectare, provided that the nine measures for maintaining “Good Agricultural and Environmental Conditions” (GAEC) are implemented. These include, for example, the set-aside of four percent of land, which was suspended for a year due to the effects of the Ukraine war, and crop rotation. But they also include specifications for the preservation of grassland or the protection of peatlands.

    Reduce area payment

    Direct payments have long been criticized. Environmental groups, in particular, criticize the nature conservation requirements as being too low. Small farms would be disadvantaged compared to large farms. In its coalition agreement, the German government, therefore, stipulated that the CAP’s flat-rate area payments should be reduced.

    “In order for this to succeed, the national strategic plan must already be adapted in this funding period,” says DNR agricultural expert Roveran. But it is also important, she says, to provide planning security and support for farms as they switch from area payments to public management rewards. After all, the subsidy guidelines are becoming increasingly complicated and bureaucratic as a result.

    The best example is the introduction of so-called eco schemes. These eco schemes are to be voluntary for farmers, and implementation is to be rewarded accordingly in order to create incentives. Germany has defined seven such eco schemes, including the renunciation of pesticides or the cultivation of diverse crops.

    Eco schemes not attractive enough?

    “We still see a lot of need for improvement here,” says Udo Hemmerling, deputy secretary general of the German Farmers’ Association (DBV). About €1 billion a year is reserved for eco schemes in Germany. “But we fear that this sum will not be called up at all. The funding for the individual measures is not attractive enough for many farmers to participate.” This is where the committee needs to take action, he said.

    The German Association of Energy and Water Industries (BDEW) is also one of the committee members. The core requirement is to make agriculture more sustainable, particularly with regard to water protection. “The pollution of soils and groundwater through fertilization and the use of pesticides, for example, must be reduced,” says Martin Weyand, BDEW managing director for water. He also calls for targeted promotion of water-saving irrigation via the CAP.

    How many changes the committee can bring about, given its size and the diversity of interests alone, remains questionable. Hemmerling says the establishment of the committee is right and an opportunity for more mutual understanding. “But I don’t think we can move mountains in terms of agricultural policy.” Especially since the federal and state governments have the structural majority.

    If the intended CAP funding targets are not achieved, the EU Commission makes it a prerequisite that the monitoring committee obtains corrective proposals. The continuation of funding could be made dependent on this. And in the end, this should be in everyone’s interest.

    Events

    Feb. 17, 2023; 3:30-5 p.m., Munich (Germany)
    DGAP, Discussion Debating the West’s Response to Digital Information Warfare: A Call to Action in a Polarized World
    The German Council on Foreign Relations (DGAP) provides an opportunity for participants to actively engage in a timely and important discussion about the future of information warfare, and the role of the West in this threat to the liberal democratic order. INFO & REGISTRATION

    Feb. 20-21, 2023; Amsterdam (Netherlands)
    Conference Kickstart Europe
    KickStart Europe is the annual strategy and networking conference on trends and investments in tech and digital infrastructure. INFO & REGISTRATION

    News

    EU Court of Auditors: €729 million in climate aid almost ineffective

    EU financial resources intended to help countries in the Global South cope with climate impacts have failed to have the hoped-for effect. There has been no measurement of whether people’s situations have improved, nor has there been sufficient focus on the needs of those most affected by climate change. Moreover, the aid had not always reached the most vulnerable recipients.

    This is the conclusion of a review by the European Court of Auditors published on Wednesday. A total of €729 million was allocated to the 2007 Global Climate Change Alliance (GCCA). “We found that the GCCA has been less effective than hoped and that the transition from capacity building to more concrete actions and direct assistance to populations has not been systematic,” comments Hannu Takkula, the auditor in charge at the EU Court of Auditors.

    High costs with little effect

    GCCA funds were earmarked particularly for the poor developing countries most vulnerable to climate change – the so-called Least Developed Countries (LDCs) and Small Island Developing States (SIDS). There, knowledge exchange and support for adaptation, climate change mitigation and disaster risk reduction were to be promoted by the EU.

    The auditors state that the initiative has “not demonstrably” been able to meet these goals. Although the completed measures had achieved results, “in part, however, at a high cost”. Whether these costs were appropriate had not been sufficiently verified. The organization of its development measures was also inefficient. In addition, the initiative was little known both in the developing countries and in the EU, although its funds benefited 80 countries during its 15-year term.

    Nor had the EU Commission been able to mobilize additional funds from the member states and the private sector. Despite this funding gap, however, the Commission would not have adjusted its targets. In the future, the EU Commission should focus “on those most affected by climate change and incorporate past experience into future climate protection as well as development aid measures,” Takkula demands.

    Commission defends successes of the initiative

    The Commission accepts these recommendations. However, when asked, it stresses that the success of possible increased climate resilience must be considered together with other EU-funded instruments. The GCCA has “greatly contributed” to countries’ ability to identify their vulnerabilities and design adaptation strategies, the Commission says. The initiative has also helped lay the groundwork for climate policies in several LDCs and SIDS, it said.

    However, the GCCA does not have a future anyway. In 2020, the Commission decided not to continue the initiative and to support the management of climate change in developing countries through other instruments and funding pots. luk

    • Climate & Environment
    • Climate Policy

    Ecodesign: Sweden does not want to ban destruction of unsold products

    The Swedish Council Presidency does not want to adopt the ban on the destruction of unsold products in the Ecodesign Regulation for Sustainable Products (ESPR) demanded by several EU member states. In a compromise proposal that Sweden will present to the Council’s Competitiveness Working Group this morning and that the French news platform “Contexte” has published, the Council Presidency proposes instead an obligation to minimize waste.

    According to the proposal, the specific Ecodesign requirements for individual product groups will also be decided by means of implementing acts, in which the member states will have a greater say.

    Some member states, such as France, had campaigned for a general ban on the destruction of unsold products. The rapporteur in the Parliament, Alessandra Moretti (S&D), also wants to sharpen the Commission draft and calls for a ban at least for textiles and electronic devices.

    Exemptions for SME

    Instead, Sweden proposes the introduction of a “policy of dealing with unsold products” for economic operators who repeatedly dispose of unsold consumer goods. According to the proposal, this should include minimizing the amount of waste generated and limiting the number of unsold consumer goods.

    In the proposal, the Council Presidency also specifies the obligation to disclose the quantities of unsold products that are destroyed and strengthens the exemption for Small and Medium-sized Enterprises (SME). These are to be affected by this obligation only if they account for a “significant share” of the volume of unsold goods destroyed. For there to be a ban on individual product groups, Sweden requires “reasonable justification” and a proven reduction in environmental impact.

    The Commission had proposed delegated acts for the development of product-specific ecodesign requirements. According to the Swedish proposal, these are to be decided on the basis of implementing acts, in which the member states would have a stronger right to co-determination. Sweden’s aim is for the Council of Industry Ministers to adopt a common position on the text in May. leo

    • Climate & Environment
    • Sustainability

    Energy ministers to discuss post-2030 policy

    Even before the adoption of important energy legislation, the Swedish Council Presidency wants to initiate a debate on long-term energy policy after 2030. That’s according to the list of questions Sweden has published for the informal meeting of energy and transport ministers in Stockholm at the end of February.

    “How should EU energy policy evolve beyond the Fit for 55 package to meet the twin goals of achieving net zero emissions by 2050 and promoting industrial competitiveness and productivity in all member states?” This is one of the two guiding questions for the second day of the meeting, which will be devoted entirely to long-term energy and industrial policy.

    With its push, the Swedish Presidency is adding another heavyweight issue to energy policy, which is already under considerable pressure. On the first day of the meeting, energy ministers are to discuss priorities for the electricity market reform and measures for securing gas supplies before the coming winter. A joint session with the transport ministers is also to focus on pipeline and charging infrastructure, as well as framework conditions for biofuels and hydrogen.

    Gas market package and other energy legislation still pending

    In addition, no major projects from Fit for 55 have been completed in the energy sector so far. The trilogues on RED III and the Efficiency Directive are still ongoing. In March, Parliament will also define its position on the Buildings Directive and the gas market package.

    The Council Presidency now also wants to bring forward the general orientation of the gas market package. It is to be decided at the regular Council of Energy Ministers on March 28, a spokesman confirmed yesterday. Originally, it was scheduled for June. Therefore, there were doubts whether the package could even be adopted before the European elections in spring 2024. The rapporteur of the gas market directive, Jens Geier (SPD), had recently called on the Council to define its position during the current Presidency.

    One argument in favor of an early discussion on energy policy after 2030 is that the Commission must present a new proposal for the 2040 climate targets by spring 2024. ber

    • Climate Policy
    • Electricity market
    • Electromobility
    • Energy policy
    • Hydrogen
    • Kraftstoffe
    • Natural gas

    IEA: gas gap narrowing

    The risk of a gas shortfall this year has narrowed significantly, according to a new report from the International Energy Agency (IEA). In a pessimistic scenario, a gap of 40 billion cubic meters (bcm) still looms, according to an updated estimate released Wednesday. In a December analysis, the IEA had still put the looming gap at 57 bcm if the EU wanted to fill its storage to 95 percent before the winter of 2023/24.

    However, policy measures such as more renewables can reduce the gap even further. Steps already adopted would shrink the gap by 30 bcm, the IEA had estimated in its analysis in December, suggesting a number of further measures. But the 10 bcm gap that now remains would only mean that the EU would not be able to fully fill its storage to the 95 percent level.

    From importer to exporter

    The IEA explains the more favorable situation on the one hand by the fact that gas supplies up to mid-February were 5 bcm higher than assumed in December. At that time, the IEA had assumed that Russia would completely stop its deliveries from the beginning of the year. In fact, however, the remaining gas flows in January were only 35 percent lower than in December. In addition, the UK unexpectedly turned from an importer to an exporter in the winter.

    Furthermore, gas demand was 10 bcm lower than initially assumed – largely due to mild temperatures. In addition, the IEA has slightly revised its assumption on the exports that Ukraine and Moldova might need from the EU – from 12 to only 10 bcm.

    Nevertheless, the IEA advises sticking to political measures for securing gas supply. Among other things, gas consumption must be structurally reduced and existing infrastructure must be better utilized or slightly expanded. ber

    • Gas prices
    • Gas storage
    • Natural gas

    EU Parliament backs WTO case against US

    The European Parliament is expected to back taking action, if necessary, before the World Trade Organization against certain provisions in the US Inflation Reduction Act. The EU should be “ready to file a complaint against the IRA under the dispute settlement system if the assessment shows that the law remains discriminatory in its implementation,” according to a draft resolution on competitiveness to be voted on Thursday in plenary.

    The US law ties tax incentives and subsidies for climate-friendly technologies in part to production sites in North America. “The local content requirements are a clear violation of the most-favored-nation clause and the principle of equal treatment for domestic and foreigners,” Bernd Lange (SPD), chairman of the trade committee, told Table.Media. Proceedings before the WTO could “create clarity among friends,” he added.

    Using old and new money

    The EU Commission is currently negotiating with the US government in a task force to achieve equal treatment for European companies in the IRA. In the Commission, Vice President Valdis Dombrovskis, who is responsible for trade, is said to be sympathetic to going to the WTO if the negotiations fail to produce sufficient concessions from Washington. Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, however, shies away from a conflict with the important ally, according to EU circles.

    In addition, the draft resolution advocates, among other things, more flexible state aid rules and faster approval procedures for renewable energy projects. For the European Sovereignty Fund announced by the Commission, the text first calls for a needs analysis. The fund should use “as much as possible existing unused funds” from the Covid reconstruction program and the EU budget, but also fresh money. In addition, the resolution calls for a strengthening of the Sure short-time work program, which is fed by EU debt.

    EPP quarrels over rejection of the resolution

    The resolution is supported by the Socialist, Liberal, Green and Left groups. The EPP group, however, did not want to endorse it. It is “significant that the left side of the European Parliament (…) prevents a necessary commitment to the conclusion of trade agreements, hushes up the realities of fossil energy production, demands new requirements and wants to create new common EU debts,” says the industrial policy spokesman of the EPP Group, Christian Ehler (CDU). All this has little to do with competitiveness.

    However, the negative stance caused intense discussions in the group. Participants in yesterday evening’s group meeting assume that some EPP deputies will nevertheless agree to the text. In the other groups, the behavior of the Christian Democrats is also seen as part of a power struggle between EPP leader Manfred Weber and von der Leyen (CDU). Weber, they say, wants to signal to the CDU politician that she cannot rely on her own majority.

    The leader of the Left Group, Martin Schirdewan, criticized: “The conservatives prove that they have no idea about industrial policy.” FDP MEP Nicola Beer said the EPP is now also called upon to shape the sovereignty fund “at least in a meaningful way, namely away from debt and subsidy pots, towards innovation and a more competitive Europe.” tho

    • European Parliament
    • Industrial policy
    • Inflation Reduction Act
    • USA

    Tenth sanctions package: ‘We’re talking about €11 billion’

    The EU is preparing another sanctions package shortly before the anniversary of Russia’s attack on Ukraine. “We are talking about around €11 billion,” EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen told the European Parliament on Wednesday. The individual measures are likely to target not only Russia but also Iran. Russia, she said, was using Iranian-made drones for attacks in Ukraine.

    However, all 27 EU member states must agree to new sanctions, which has repeatedly led to tedious debates. Representatives of the EU countries were to discuss details in Brussels on Wednesday. Feb. 24 marks the first anniversary of the Russian invasion. By then, the EU states could have reached an agreement.

    The Russian war machine should be specifically weakened with the tenth sanctions package, von der Leyen said. “We need to keep the pressure on.” There are to be restrictions on certain electronic components used in drones, missiles and helicopters, she said. Four other Russian banks are also to be excluded from the Swift international payments system, including Alfa Bank and Rosbank, according to diplomats. Rubber and asphalt were also to be added to the list of prohibited trade goods. rtr

    • EU foreign policy

    Negotiations on AI Act continue

    Negotiations on the AI Regulation (AI Act) will take longer than foreseen by co-rapporteurs Dragoş Tudorache (Renew/LIBE) and Brando Benifei (S&D/IMCO) after all. During the five-hour meeting of shadow rapporteurs on Wednesday afternoon, MEPs did not agree on any compromises, Table.Media learned from the Renew group as well as from the EPP and the Greens/EFA. The text still needs a lot of work, participants said. But they also said that there had been convergences.

    There were 14 items on the agenda, but only the first five were discussed:

    • Article 2 – Scope
    • Article 3 – Definition
    • Article 5 – Prohibited Practices
    • Article 6 – Classification of High-Risk AI Systems
    • Annex III – High-Risk AI Systems

    Dispute over the definition of AI

    When it comes to the definition of artificial intelligence, the rapporteurs have now proposed a formulation from NIST, the US National Institute of Standards and Technology. The Greens, for example, can live with this. The EPP, however, would like to see a formulation aligned with the OECD definition, as it does not want to go down a special path but would rather like to be guided by a definition that is as internationally recognized as possible.

    However, the OECD is still working on the definition – and the other groups do not want to wait that long. “If we were to adopt the NIST definition, that would be a major concession,” said EPP shadow rapporteur Axel Voss. But it would also be possible to introduce the OECD definition in the course of the trilogue.

    From the point of view of the Greens, a majority is emerging in favor of a complete ban on biometric recognition in public spaces – both in the area of real-time recognition and recordings – when it comes to prohibited practices. Axel Voss of the EPP, on the other hand, said that an absolute ban made no sense from his group’s point of view. Rather, limits would have to be drawn so as not to infringe on the rights of individuals.

    Schedule is still open

    The Greens attach importance to ensuring that the system of definition, classification of high-risk systems and Annex III is coordinated in such a way that it also works in regulation. Some groups wanted the scope of application to be more and more unified, so that in the end fewer and fewer systems would fall under the law, criticized Sergey Lagodinsky, shadow rapporteur for the Greens. “That’s not the point of regulation,” he said. “We need to pay attention to the internal logic.”

    The members of parliament agree on one thing: they all want to make rapid progress. However, there is no new schedule yet. From the EPP’s point of view, it would theoretically be possible to reach an agreement in March. Then the committees could vote in April and the plenum in May. vis

    • Artificial Intelligence Regulation
    • Digital policy

    Rule of law: Commission sues Poland

    In a dispute with Poland over the principles of the rule of law, the Commission has filed a complaint with the Court of Justice of the European Union (ECJ). The move was triggered by rulings by the Polish Constitutional Court in July and October last year, which ruled that provisions of EU treaties were unconstitutional and explicitly questioned the primacy of EU law over national law.

    The EU Commission said on Wednesday that with these decisions, the Polish Constitutional Court had violated general principles – such as the principles of uniform application of EU law and the binding effect of ECJ rulings.

    Permanent conflict between Brussels and PIS

    The nationalist and Euroskeptic government led by the PiS, which has been in power in Poland since 2015, is at loggerheads with the EU on a larger scale over rule of law issues. The conflict has already led the Commission to launch infringement proceedings against the country and withhold funds.

    The EU Commission said Wednesday that following changes to the Constitutional Tribunal by the ruling PiS party, the body no longer meets the requirements of an independent and impartial tribunal. It said this was due to irregularities in the appointment procedures of judges at the end of 2015 and the selection of the chairman at the end of 2016. rtr

    • EU
    • European Commission

    Heads

    Piotr Buras – EU explainer in Poland

    Piotr Buras has headed the ECFR office in Warsaw since 2012.

    Piotr Buras was 15 years old when the socialist dictatorships in Eastern and Central Europe crumbled and a democracy emerged in Poland. When he studied international relations in Warsaw in the 1990s, Europe was still a myth in Poland. Today, Buras heads the Warsaw office of the European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR) and defends the European idea against a government that is increasingly losing faith in the EU’s institutions.

    Buras is an expert on Germany and Poland, often appearing in Polish media as an EU and Germany explainer. As a representative of ECFR, Buras argues primarily for stronger foreign policy cooperation among EU states. He and his colleagues regularly publish analyses, for example on European support for Ukraine. ECFR operates on a donor-funded basis, with two-thirds of the think tank’s money coming from non-profit organizations. The rest of the funding is almost entirely provided by European governments and EU institutions. The Polish Foreign Ministry is not among the supporters.

    Learning the German language as a child

    His studies, his work, his interest led Piotr Buras to Germany again and again. In 1995, he spent half a year in Berlin as a student. He didn’t actually study there, but he had a good time, made friends and learned a lot about the country, Buras says. And it became a life goal to live in Berlin, he says. He then returned in 2008, initially working on a political science research project for a few months. Then, for several years – until 2012 – he reported from Berlin for Poland’s second-largest daily newspaper, the left-liberal and pro-European Gazeta Wyborcza.

    The roots of his interest in Germany and Europe lie in his family. His parents both studied German language and literature. His father was part of the Solidarność movement in the 1980s. He learned his first German phrases as a child, Buras says. Today he speaks fluent German, English and Polish.

    But it was above all the Polish zeitgeist of the 1990s that brought him to Germany. “At that time, there was a saying: Poland’s path to Europe leads through Germany,” Buras says. “That was geographically uncontroversial. But also true in a political sense.”

    Poland’s need for security

    In 2012, after his time in Germany, Buras took over as head of the ECFR office in Warsaw, one of seven offices in various European capitals. “We assume that it takes a good understanding of national debates and interests to be able to develop an efficient EU foreign policy,” says Buras, referring to ECFR’s self-image.

    The task of the Warsaw office is, on the one hand, to promote the concepts of ECFR in Poland – among politicians, for example, for a common EU policy on Russia. On the other hand, the goal is to communicate the Polish perspective at the European level, for example, to explain Poland’s special security needs.

    Since the PiS party took over the Polish government in 2015, Buras’ work as an advocate has changed. In his first years at ECFR, close cooperation with the Foreign Ministry was possible, Buras says. But the tone has become harsher, the work more defensive, he says. “Since the change of power, it’s more and more about defending the principles of European integration against the attacks we experience in Poland every day.” The Polish government is now resistant to consultation on European issues, he said. Michel Krasenbrink

    • EU-Außenpolitik
    • European policy
    • Poland

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