This week marks the EU Parliament’s Green Week, a period when MEPs engage in activities beyond the confines of the Parliament. They visit their constituencies and join official delegations abroad to foster the Parliament’s international ties. During these weeks, the spotlight often shifts from the Parliament to the Commission, although there is still noteworthy news emanating from the Parliament.
Today, we have a significant update from the Green MEP Piernicola Pedicini, as reported by Markus Grabitz. Pedicini is leading the charge to initiate a vote of no confidence against Commission President Ursula von der Leyen due to her handling of the EU’s policy towards Israel. Pedicini, joined by other MEPs, accuses von der Leyen of overstepping her authority by failing to align her Israel policy with the member states.
Meanwhile, von der Leyen is currently navigating the Balkans, having recently delivered a stern message to Serbia and Kosovo while in Belgrade. She called upon both nations to intensify their efforts to normalize relations, underscoring the importance of regional stability.
Transitioning from this context, I’d like to highlight the Analysis of my colleague, Falk Steiner. In his report, Steiner meticulously examines the ongoing disputes related to competencies in the implementation of the Digital Services Act (DSA) in Germany. Observing the situation, one might feel compelled to remind the decision-makers in Berlin of the critical and far more pressing issues at hand, particularly in the realm of digitization.
If there is one political constant in Germany, it is the dispute over competencies. It is annoying when this blocks an important legislative project, such as the current “Digitale-Dienste-Gesetz” (DDG, lit. “digital services law”). All during a time when effective digital regulation seems urgently needed in the context of the disputes between Israel and Hamas.
The DDG is actually supposed to regulate the national portions of the Digital Services Act (DSA). But that could take even longer. The number of agencies whose responsibilities are to be taken into account is almost endless.
Even before the DSA was adopted at the European level, it was clear that there would be a dispute over the division of responsibilities. Because insofar as the DSA deals with media regulation, it is actually up to the federal states under the German constitution. They have outsourced media supervision to the state media authorities – but there is no exact federal counterpart.
Which is why the Federal Ministry of Digital Affairs decided to appoint another authority involved in digital regulation in other areas as the Digital Services Coordinator (DSC) for the Federal Republic: a position to be created specifically at the Federal Network Agency in Bonn.
In the future, this is to ensure that both the EU Commission and the authorities of other member states have a central telephone number they can call in cross-border cases. The state media authorities were less than enthusiastic about what was happening – above all the director of the largest state media authority, Tobias Schmid, in NRW.
During the deliberations in the federal government, it recently became apparent that the discussion “BNetzA or LMA” was still undercomplex: The Federal Ministry for Family Affairs has been advocating for weeks that the Federal Agency for the Protection of Children and Young People in the Media (BzKJ) should play an essential role. It should preside over the area of content supervision as a “primus inter pares”, the Federal Family Ministry demands.
Unlike the state media authorities, the BzKJ is a classic youth protection authority. Most readers will know it by its former names: Federal Review Board for Publications Harmful to Young People (BPjS) or Federal Review Board for Media Harmful to Young People (BPjM). As such, it was responsible for numerous indexing of records, CDs, computer games and other content in accordance with the Federal Youth Protection Act, which in some cases strongly divided the public. But even hard-nosed negotiators in Berlin don’t understand why the BPjM is now to be put in charge of the state media authorities.
So the state media authorities are currently seeking allies for good reason. Last week, for example, the media institutions announced that, in anticipation of DSA trials, they had already successfully taken action against hate on the net together with the Central Reporting Office for Punishable Content on the Internet (ZMI) – in the context of the events in Israel.
The director of the NRW State Media Authority made it clear who he considers to be the best content supervisor: “Clear work processes and many years of experience are crucial. It is not at all surprising that we have managed to react quickly to the current situation in the community of media institutions“, said Tobias Schmid. Who this was intended to address is obvious.
However, the disputes over competencies for content regulation are not enough: the DSA also contains standards that are more likely to be assigned to the area of data protection. The Federal Data Protection Commissioner, Ulrich Kelber, is supposed to be responsible for these – after all, he has a certain amount of practice coordinating with the state data protection supervisory authorities responsible for most private companies.
Meanwhile, the EU Commission is hoping that Germany will soon be ready for work. For now, the Federal Network Agency has been named by the Federal Ministry of Digital Affairs for the informal body proposed by the European Commission. For content enforcement, the EU Commission has approached the state media authorities. What will become of the offices responsible for the Network Enforcement Act (NetzDG) at the Federal Office of Justice remains open for the time being.
Just like the question of whether the Digital Services Act will even be in force in time for Feb. 17, 2024. A cabinet referral planned for last week had to disappear from the agenda again. When the Bundestag and Bundesrat may exercise their responsibilities in the DDG legislative process remains unclear.
France plans to deliberately disadvantage Chinese manufacturers when subsidizing EVs. While most European countries subsidize the purchase of EVs irrespective of additional environmental criteria, the government in Paris will add other criteria:
To this end, the “Bonus écologique”, the French environmental premium, has been revised. “We will stop subsidizing electric vehicles with a bad carbon footprint,” emphasized French Economy Minister Bruno Le Maire at the presentation of the measures in September 2023. “French taxpayers’ money should not be used to finance vehicles 70 percent of which come from China“, Le Maire stated with conviction.
To be eligible for the environmental bonus, EVs must score a minimum number of environmental points starting in 2024. These are determined by the greenhouse gas emissions in the supply chain, i.e., the carbon footprint of the materials used, as well as the emissions during production and shipping of a car. Only a “score environmental” of 60 out of 100 possible points qualifies for the environmental bonus of up to €7,000.
Above all, two criteria of the revised environmental bonus are expected to exclude Chinese-manufactured EVs from the subsidy. Firstly, the carbon emission factor of the energy mix in the country of origin is considered in the rating. China scores very poorly here because it generates much of its electricity from coal. Added to this are the carbon emissions generated during shipping from production to the distribution site in France.
The French energy agency ADEME is responsible for calculating the environmental points. Car manufacturers must submit all relevant data to ADEME as of October 2023. A list of the EVs that will still be eligible for subsidies will be published on 15 December 2023.
It is already known that they must not only meet the new criteria for the environmental bonus. Their price cannot exceed 47,000 euros and their weight must not exceed 2.4 tons. This means German-made models such as Volkswagen’s ID.3 or the 2024 Mini Countryman E should have a good chance.
Germany’s IG Metall trade union, which has traditionally enjoyed a strong position in the German automotive industry, believes the French government’s approach is appropriate. “The carbon footprint of production, energy mix and transport should be taken into account both in the carbon pricing of imports and in the design of subsidies and instruments,” it told Table.Media. It is no anti-China tariff, but a carbon-oriented subsidy system that promotes the development of regional and local value chains.
The German Association of the Automotive Industry (VDA) believes the new French regulations go too far. While promoting the switch to alternative drive systems makes sense in principle, the same conditions must apply to all, said a VDA spokeswoman. “Protectionism is not the right way. Europe must stand for the value of international, free and fair trade and open markets.” But Juergen Matthes, Head of International Economic Policy, Financial and Real Estate Markets at the German Economic Institute (IW), is no longer sure about that. Upon a question from Table.Medias, he said that typically such an approach “would be branded as sheer protectionism.”
But it’s not that simple because the other big players don’t play by the rules either. “The United States promotes EVs with similar regulations. And China has also heavily subsidized the production side of EVs,” Matthes said.
The EU Commission now also sees China’s subsidies as a problem. According to its calculations, Chinese EV imports are sold on average 20 percent below the price of European cars in the EU. Their market share could increase from 8 to 15 percent in the next few years.
Commission President Ursula von der Leyen attributes this to unfair practices. “Their price is kept artificially low by huge state subsidies. This is distorting our market,” she criticized in mid-September before the EU Parliament in Strasbourg.
Consequently, the Commission initiated a formal anti-subsidy proceeding against China on 4 October 2023. The declared aim is to protect companies producing in the EU. “Wherever we find evidence that they are being hampered by market distortions and unfair competition, we will act decisively,” von der Leyen stressed.
While France has lobbied extensively for this step, Germany has been rather reluctant for fear of countermeasures. Moreover, it is currently unclear to what extent non-Chinese car manufacturers such as BMW or VW, which manufacture EVs in China for the global market, benefit from such Chinese subsidies.
In addition to the environmental bonus, a second subsidy instrument will also exclude vehicles manufactured in China in the future. Only vehicles manufactured in the EU are explicitly eligible for the newly created “social leasing” scheme. The aim of social leasing is the democratization of electromobility, something that has been much discussed in France.
It is intended to enable households with an annual income of less than 20,850 euros to lease a new EV for 100 euros a month. This is one of President Emmanuel Macron’s election campaign promises from last year.
For 2024, the government anticipates approximately 20,000 social leasing contracts. In the following years, the number of subsidized lease cars is set to increase to 100,000 per year. A budget of 50 million euros has been earmarked for this. With this funding, the French government covers the initial down payment. However, this down payment must not exceed 16 percent of the vehicle price or 5,000 euros. This is why small, fuel-efficient vehicles are the primary beneficiaries of the program. The Citroën ë-C3, the Renault Twingo E-Tech and the Fiat 500e are some of the vehicles under consideration.
The subsidy regulations will be published in November. The application process will also start then. As with the environmental bonus, a list of eligible models is expected in mid-December.
It is unlikely that a German EV will qualify for social leasing after VW announced the end of the e-Up a few weeks ago. Instead, high-margin SUVs and luxury cars dominate the product range of German carmakers.
IG Metall sees this as a mistake. From their perspective, “there needs to be a quick addition to the model policy toward affordable vehicles.” IG Metall believes this will determine the future viability and market position of companies.
Time and again, I hear industry voices proclaiming: “We need a comprehensive strategy for the transport sector!” Yet, such a framework has long been in place. Negotiations are currently underway at the European level regarding limits for truck fleets, the German parliament has recently approved an expansion of the truck toll, and the German government has laid out ambitious plans for expanding charging infrastructure in its Master Plan for Charging Infrastructure II. Moreover, the funding program for climate-friendly commercial vehicles and infrastructure (KsNI) by the Ministry of Transport is already operational – or at least, it was operational. This is precisely where the comprehensive strategy starts to falter.
In order to make a significant dent in CO2 emissions from road freight transport, a shift from internal combustion engines to zero-emission trucks is imperative. As with any significant transformation, this transition will initially be costly. This holds true for e-trucks as well, which are more expensive to purchase but will become cost-effective in terms of total operating costs when compared to combustion engines by 2024.
The KsNI program is designed to assist companies in managing the hefty initial investment required for new trucks. The program has even received positive reviews abroad. However, anyone currently seeking KsNI funds will quickly discover that the coffers are empty. After just two funding calls within a span of eighteen months, all the allocated funds have already been depleted.
The program has been so well received by the industry that funding from the 2024 budget has already been allocated. Originally, a call was planned per quarter. However, the Ministry of Transport is currently leaving companies completely in the dark about whether a third funding call will be made. This is bitter, as it turns the KsNI support into Schrödinger’s cat: it is both there and not there.
As an environmental association, T&E is often not among the first to call for comprehensive funding programs for industry. However, transformation cannot be half-hearted, and as a former entrepreneur, I know that planning with Schrödinger’s cat is impossible. Uncertainty slows down and leads to investments being postponed or canceled.
And time is of the essence – both from a climate and an economic perspective. The Bundestag has decided to start the truck toll in December. It includes an additional CO2 surcharge for diesel trucks and significantly favors emission-free trucks. At the same time, the European truck fleet limits are expected to be decided by EU institutions in the coming months.
After the latest negotiations in the Council and the Environment Committee of the EU Parliament, the law is likely to require truck manufacturers to produce significantly more emission-free trucks. In confidential conversations with the Ministry of Transport, manufacturers have already confirmed that they can meet and even exceed these limits. They must also do so, as competition from China and the USA is significant. However, for the transition phase, in which production increases to the point where prices fall, the promised financial aid for the domestic market is crucial.
A comprehensive concept can only work if all pillars are clearly and reliably implemented. We currently have the opportunity to transform road freight transport so that it is better for the climate and the economy. With the CO2 toll and the upcoming truck fleet limits, Germany is currently in the pole position to decarbonize road freight transport and at the same time make the local truck industry fit for the future.
To ensure we don’t stop halfway, we must also promote charging infrastructure and vehicles. Mr. Wissing, it is in your hands whether Germany brings its lead to the finish line or not.
Kim Kohlmeyer has been working at Transport & Environment Germany (T&E) since 2023, after having worked in various capacities as a lawyer, consultant, and as the founder and CEO of her own urban logistics company. T&E Germany is an independent think tank for transport policy and climate protection based in Berlin and part of Transport & Environment, Europe’s largest environmental umbrella organization.
This week marks the EU Parliament’s Green Week, a period when MEPs engage in activities beyond the confines of the Parliament. They visit their constituencies and join official delegations abroad to foster the Parliament’s international ties. During these weeks, the spotlight often shifts from the Parliament to the Commission, although there is still noteworthy news emanating from the Parliament.
Today, we have a significant update from the Green MEP Piernicola Pedicini, as reported by Markus Grabitz. Pedicini is leading the charge to initiate a vote of no confidence against Commission President Ursula von der Leyen due to her handling of the EU’s policy towards Israel. Pedicini, joined by other MEPs, accuses von der Leyen of overstepping her authority by failing to align her Israel policy with the member states.
Meanwhile, von der Leyen is currently navigating the Balkans, having recently delivered a stern message to Serbia and Kosovo while in Belgrade. She called upon both nations to intensify their efforts to normalize relations, underscoring the importance of regional stability.
Transitioning from this context, I’d like to highlight the Analysis of my colleague, Falk Steiner. In his report, Steiner meticulously examines the ongoing disputes related to competencies in the implementation of the Digital Services Act (DSA) in Germany. Observing the situation, one might feel compelled to remind the decision-makers in Berlin of the critical and far more pressing issues at hand, particularly in the realm of digitization.
If there is one political constant in Germany, it is the dispute over competencies. It is annoying when this blocks an important legislative project, such as the current “Digitale-Dienste-Gesetz” (DDG, lit. “digital services law”). All during a time when effective digital regulation seems urgently needed in the context of the disputes between Israel and Hamas.
The DDG is actually supposed to regulate the national portions of the Digital Services Act (DSA). But that could take even longer. The number of agencies whose responsibilities are to be taken into account is almost endless.
Even before the DSA was adopted at the European level, it was clear that there would be a dispute over the division of responsibilities. Because insofar as the DSA deals with media regulation, it is actually up to the federal states under the German constitution. They have outsourced media supervision to the state media authorities – but there is no exact federal counterpart.
Which is why the Federal Ministry of Digital Affairs decided to appoint another authority involved in digital regulation in other areas as the Digital Services Coordinator (DSC) for the Federal Republic: a position to be created specifically at the Federal Network Agency in Bonn.
In the future, this is to ensure that both the EU Commission and the authorities of other member states have a central telephone number they can call in cross-border cases. The state media authorities were less than enthusiastic about what was happening – above all the director of the largest state media authority, Tobias Schmid, in NRW.
During the deliberations in the federal government, it recently became apparent that the discussion “BNetzA or LMA” was still undercomplex: The Federal Ministry for Family Affairs has been advocating for weeks that the Federal Agency for the Protection of Children and Young People in the Media (BzKJ) should play an essential role. It should preside over the area of content supervision as a “primus inter pares”, the Federal Family Ministry demands.
Unlike the state media authorities, the BzKJ is a classic youth protection authority. Most readers will know it by its former names: Federal Review Board for Publications Harmful to Young People (BPjS) or Federal Review Board for Media Harmful to Young People (BPjM). As such, it was responsible for numerous indexing of records, CDs, computer games and other content in accordance with the Federal Youth Protection Act, which in some cases strongly divided the public. But even hard-nosed negotiators in Berlin don’t understand why the BPjM is now to be put in charge of the state media authorities.
So the state media authorities are currently seeking allies for good reason. Last week, for example, the media institutions announced that, in anticipation of DSA trials, they had already successfully taken action against hate on the net together with the Central Reporting Office for Punishable Content on the Internet (ZMI) – in the context of the events in Israel.
The director of the NRW State Media Authority made it clear who he considers to be the best content supervisor: “Clear work processes and many years of experience are crucial. It is not at all surprising that we have managed to react quickly to the current situation in the community of media institutions“, said Tobias Schmid. Who this was intended to address is obvious.
However, the disputes over competencies for content regulation are not enough: the DSA also contains standards that are more likely to be assigned to the area of data protection. The Federal Data Protection Commissioner, Ulrich Kelber, is supposed to be responsible for these – after all, he has a certain amount of practice coordinating with the state data protection supervisory authorities responsible for most private companies.
Meanwhile, the EU Commission is hoping that Germany will soon be ready for work. For now, the Federal Network Agency has been named by the Federal Ministry of Digital Affairs for the informal body proposed by the European Commission. For content enforcement, the EU Commission has approached the state media authorities. What will become of the offices responsible for the Network Enforcement Act (NetzDG) at the Federal Office of Justice remains open for the time being.
Just like the question of whether the Digital Services Act will even be in force in time for Feb. 17, 2024. A cabinet referral planned for last week had to disappear from the agenda again. When the Bundestag and Bundesrat may exercise their responsibilities in the DDG legislative process remains unclear.
France plans to deliberately disadvantage Chinese manufacturers when subsidizing EVs. While most European countries subsidize the purchase of EVs irrespective of additional environmental criteria, the government in Paris will add other criteria:
To this end, the “Bonus écologique”, the French environmental premium, has been revised. “We will stop subsidizing electric vehicles with a bad carbon footprint,” emphasized French Economy Minister Bruno Le Maire at the presentation of the measures in September 2023. “French taxpayers’ money should not be used to finance vehicles 70 percent of which come from China“, Le Maire stated with conviction.
To be eligible for the environmental bonus, EVs must score a minimum number of environmental points starting in 2024. These are determined by the greenhouse gas emissions in the supply chain, i.e., the carbon footprint of the materials used, as well as the emissions during production and shipping of a car. Only a “score environmental” of 60 out of 100 possible points qualifies for the environmental bonus of up to €7,000.
Above all, two criteria of the revised environmental bonus are expected to exclude Chinese-manufactured EVs from the subsidy. Firstly, the carbon emission factor of the energy mix in the country of origin is considered in the rating. China scores very poorly here because it generates much of its electricity from coal. Added to this are the carbon emissions generated during shipping from production to the distribution site in France.
The French energy agency ADEME is responsible for calculating the environmental points. Car manufacturers must submit all relevant data to ADEME as of October 2023. A list of the EVs that will still be eligible for subsidies will be published on 15 December 2023.
It is already known that they must not only meet the new criteria for the environmental bonus. Their price cannot exceed 47,000 euros and their weight must not exceed 2.4 tons. This means German-made models such as Volkswagen’s ID.3 or the 2024 Mini Countryman E should have a good chance.
Germany’s IG Metall trade union, which has traditionally enjoyed a strong position in the German automotive industry, believes the French government’s approach is appropriate. “The carbon footprint of production, energy mix and transport should be taken into account both in the carbon pricing of imports and in the design of subsidies and instruments,” it told Table.Media. It is no anti-China tariff, but a carbon-oriented subsidy system that promotes the development of regional and local value chains.
The German Association of the Automotive Industry (VDA) believes the new French regulations go too far. While promoting the switch to alternative drive systems makes sense in principle, the same conditions must apply to all, said a VDA spokeswoman. “Protectionism is not the right way. Europe must stand for the value of international, free and fair trade and open markets.” But Juergen Matthes, Head of International Economic Policy, Financial and Real Estate Markets at the German Economic Institute (IW), is no longer sure about that. Upon a question from Table.Medias, he said that typically such an approach “would be branded as sheer protectionism.”
But it’s not that simple because the other big players don’t play by the rules either. “The United States promotes EVs with similar regulations. And China has also heavily subsidized the production side of EVs,” Matthes said.
The EU Commission now also sees China’s subsidies as a problem. According to its calculations, Chinese EV imports are sold on average 20 percent below the price of European cars in the EU. Their market share could increase from 8 to 15 percent in the next few years.
Commission President Ursula von der Leyen attributes this to unfair practices. “Their price is kept artificially low by huge state subsidies. This is distorting our market,” she criticized in mid-September before the EU Parliament in Strasbourg.
Consequently, the Commission initiated a formal anti-subsidy proceeding against China on 4 October 2023. The declared aim is to protect companies producing in the EU. “Wherever we find evidence that they are being hampered by market distortions and unfair competition, we will act decisively,” von der Leyen stressed.
While France has lobbied extensively for this step, Germany has been rather reluctant for fear of countermeasures. Moreover, it is currently unclear to what extent non-Chinese car manufacturers such as BMW or VW, which manufacture EVs in China for the global market, benefit from such Chinese subsidies.
In addition to the environmental bonus, a second subsidy instrument will also exclude vehicles manufactured in China in the future. Only vehicles manufactured in the EU are explicitly eligible for the newly created “social leasing” scheme. The aim of social leasing is the democratization of electromobility, something that has been much discussed in France.
It is intended to enable households with an annual income of less than 20,850 euros to lease a new EV for 100 euros a month. This is one of President Emmanuel Macron’s election campaign promises from last year.
For 2024, the government anticipates approximately 20,000 social leasing contracts. In the following years, the number of subsidized lease cars is set to increase to 100,000 per year. A budget of 50 million euros has been earmarked for this. With this funding, the French government covers the initial down payment. However, this down payment must not exceed 16 percent of the vehicle price or 5,000 euros. This is why small, fuel-efficient vehicles are the primary beneficiaries of the program. The Citroën ë-C3, the Renault Twingo E-Tech and the Fiat 500e are some of the vehicles under consideration.
The subsidy regulations will be published in November. The application process will also start then. As with the environmental bonus, a list of eligible models is expected in mid-December.
It is unlikely that a German EV will qualify for social leasing after VW announced the end of the e-Up a few weeks ago. Instead, high-margin SUVs and luxury cars dominate the product range of German carmakers.
IG Metall sees this as a mistake. From their perspective, “there needs to be a quick addition to the model policy toward affordable vehicles.” IG Metall believes this will determine the future viability and market position of companies.
Time and again, I hear industry voices proclaiming: “We need a comprehensive strategy for the transport sector!” Yet, such a framework has long been in place. Negotiations are currently underway at the European level regarding limits for truck fleets, the German parliament has recently approved an expansion of the truck toll, and the German government has laid out ambitious plans for expanding charging infrastructure in its Master Plan for Charging Infrastructure II. Moreover, the funding program for climate-friendly commercial vehicles and infrastructure (KsNI) by the Ministry of Transport is already operational – or at least, it was operational. This is precisely where the comprehensive strategy starts to falter.
In order to make a significant dent in CO2 emissions from road freight transport, a shift from internal combustion engines to zero-emission trucks is imperative. As with any significant transformation, this transition will initially be costly. This holds true for e-trucks as well, which are more expensive to purchase but will become cost-effective in terms of total operating costs when compared to combustion engines by 2024.
The KsNI program is designed to assist companies in managing the hefty initial investment required for new trucks. The program has even received positive reviews abroad. However, anyone currently seeking KsNI funds will quickly discover that the coffers are empty. After just two funding calls within a span of eighteen months, all the allocated funds have already been depleted.
The program has been so well received by the industry that funding from the 2024 budget has already been allocated. Originally, a call was planned per quarter. However, the Ministry of Transport is currently leaving companies completely in the dark about whether a third funding call will be made. This is bitter, as it turns the KsNI support into Schrödinger’s cat: it is both there and not there.
As an environmental association, T&E is often not among the first to call for comprehensive funding programs for industry. However, transformation cannot be half-hearted, and as a former entrepreneur, I know that planning with Schrödinger’s cat is impossible. Uncertainty slows down and leads to investments being postponed or canceled.
And time is of the essence – both from a climate and an economic perspective. The Bundestag has decided to start the truck toll in December. It includes an additional CO2 surcharge for diesel trucks and significantly favors emission-free trucks. At the same time, the European truck fleet limits are expected to be decided by EU institutions in the coming months.
After the latest negotiations in the Council and the Environment Committee of the EU Parliament, the law is likely to require truck manufacturers to produce significantly more emission-free trucks. In confidential conversations with the Ministry of Transport, manufacturers have already confirmed that they can meet and even exceed these limits. They must also do so, as competition from China and the USA is significant. However, for the transition phase, in which production increases to the point where prices fall, the promised financial aid for the domestic market is crucial.
A comprehensive concept can only work if all pillars are clearly and reliably implemented. We currently have the opportunity to transform road freight transport so that it is better for the climate and the economy. With the CO2 toll and the upcoming truck fleet limits, Germany is currently in the pole position to decarbonize road freight transport and at the same time make the local truck industry fit for the future.
To ensure we don’t stop halfway, we must also promote charging infrastructure and vehicles. Mr. Wissing, it is in your hands whether Germany brings its lead to the finish line or not.
Kim Kohlmeyer has been working at Transport & Environment Germany (T&E) since 2023, after having worked in various capacities as a lawyer, consultant, and as the founder and CEO of her own urban logistics company. T&E Germany is an independent think tank for transport policy and climate protection based in Berlin and part of Transport & Environment, Europe’s largest environmental umbrella organization.
