with the Single Market Emergency Instrument (SMEI), the EU Commission intends to learn the lessons taught by the pandemic. The emergency instrument enables the Commission to make deep interventions in the single market in the event of a crisis. “We don’t want a planned economy,” said the responsible commissioner, Thierry Breton, when presenting the proposal. However, that is precisely the accusation of the critics. The crisis measures would have “strong interventionist and planned economy features,” said Wolfgang Niedermark, a BDI’s executive board member. Also harsh in criticizing the proposal is Matthias Kullas, an internal market expert at the Center for European Policy. Berlin, on the other hand, welcomes the plans. Markus Grabitz knows the details.
“In the end, it depends on us how quickly we will meet all the conditions,” says Edi Rama, Prime Minister of Albania since 2013, about his country’s accession process to the EU. In an interview with Hans-Peter Siebenhaar, he talks about Brussels’ role in reforms in Albania, the impact of climate change on energy supplies, and the influence of China and Turkey. When it comes to freedom of the press, the news coming from the Balkan country are worrying – but Rama rejects accusations to that effect. “I am not an enemy of free media,” he says in an interview.
The Commission’s decision to include nuclear power and natural gas projects in the environmental taxonomy continues to cause heated debate. At the beginning of July, a veto motion by several MEPs to prevent the inclusion failed. Greenpeace is threatening to take the matter to the European Court of Justice. Read more in the news.
Wolfgang Niedermark, a BDI’s Executive Board member, sees disproportionately profound intervention in the economy: “The EU Commission is shooting far beyond the announced goal of ensuring a functioning single market in times of crisis.” The crisis measures have “strong interventionist and planned economy features,” he said.
Internal Market Commissioner Thierry Breton had already tried to dispel precisely these concerns when presenting the proposal: “No, we do not want a planned economy. We want exactly the opposite. It’s about ensuring the smooth functioning of the internal market even in crises.”
The Single Market Emergency Instrument (SMEI) is one of the key measures that Commission President Ursula von der Leyen has planned for the coming months. With the emergency instrument, the Commission wants to draw the consequences of the Covid crisis. In the process, supply chains were threatened because member states went it alone nationally, did not allow medical personnel to leave the country, or prohibit the export of masks and respirators. “I was on the phone for days trying to reopen the borders and clear supply routes for strategically important products,” Breton said.
It should never come to that again. That is why the Commission has put together an emergency toolbox to keep the single market alive in the event of a pandemic or war.
And these are the measures that companies could face in an emergency: Companies may be required to provide information about their production. The Commission can order them to prioritize the production of certain products. Failure to comply could result in fines and periodic penalty payments. The Commission can also crack down on member states: it can order them to take measures to secure supply chains.
It can ask member states to remove measures that jeopardize the single market. In emergency mode, member states are also required to notify the Commission of measures that threaten the supply of strategically important goods and services. The Commission can instruct the Member States to build national reserves of strategically important goods.
Andreas Schwab (CDU), an internal market expert in the EU Parliament, praises the Commission’s initiative: “The emergency instrument is the right response to the challenges of the Covid pandemic and Russia’s war of aggression on Ukraine.” He added that the EU must remain functional even in crisis mode. The MEP calls for “the EU to be smart on supply chain monitoring measures, strategic reserves, and prioritization of public procurement.”
After all, the point is to strengthen the single market and not to “restrict entrepreneurial freedom too much,” he said. This is especially true in non-crisis times, he said, adding that in an emergency supply chain resilience can best be ensured in close cooperation with companies and functioning markets.
The crisis instrument is to have three phases – red, yellow, and green – like traffic lights. At normal times – i.e., when the light is green – the Commission simply collects information from member states and companies to regularly present a well-founded risk assessment. When crises are looming, the traffic light jumps to yellow. In this phase of heightened vigilance, the Commission analyzes the risk of interrupted supply chains for strategically important products and services. Products are identified for which member states are to build national reserves.
If the member states fail to set aside the necessary reserves, the Commission can instruct them. In crisis mode, the traffic light switches to red, at which point restrictive measures are possible. For some products, the Commission has its own instruments to avoid shortages. Therefore, the SMEI is not applied to chips, medical devices, and energy sources.
The Commission decides whether to activate the yellow (“vigilance”) phase. It is counseled by the Advisory Group, which comprises representatives of the Commission and one member from each Member State. The phase of increased vigilance is declared for up to six months and controlled by the Member states in the so-called comitology procedure.
The red phase (emergency mode) is triggered by a qualified majority in the Council of Ministers. The emergency mode can also be imposed for six months and is renewable depending on how the crisis develops.
The BDI criticizes the decision-making processes as too vague: “Great uncertainty arises for business if it is impossible to understand the definition of a crisis and which goods and commodities are of strategic importance.”
Matthias Kullas, an expert on the internal market at the Center for European Policy (CEP), takes a hard line on the proposal, saying it is “an arrogation of knowledge and a massive encroachment on entrepreneurial freedom.” It is the task of companies to adapt quickly to changing circumstances and thus counteract shortages; the prospect of higher profits provides the incentive to do so. The Commission could help companies by reducing bureaucracy.
But: “Entrusting state administrations with the task of counteracting shortages will have no added value in managing a crisis.” At best, he says, “only” unnecessary bureaucracy is created. “At worst, resources will be misdirected,” Kullas warns.
The Green-led Federal Ministry of Economics said in Berlin on Monday that the government welcomes the proposal to maintain the free movement of goods and services in the EU’s internal market in case of future crises. The European Union must improve its crisis preparedness, it said. The corresponding EU regulation should thus now be analyzed in detail. With rtr
Prime Minister, how much does the Ukraine war threaten stability and peace in the Balkans?
Edi Rama: It is a potential threat to our region. Because Russia has traditionally had a strong influence in parts of the Balkan. This is particularly true of Serbia, Montenegro, northern Macedonia, and the Republic of Srpska in Bosnia-Herzegovina.
What does this mean for the EU’s sanctions policy against Russia?
We must do everything possible to keep the potential threat away from the Balkans. Therefore, there should be no more pressure on Serbia to impose sanctions against Russia. Such sanctions are impossible because Serbia cannot survive without Russia. Moreover, the government and President Aleksandar Vučić would not survive sanctions against Russia politically. Serbia has already shown its stance. We must not forget that Belgrade has already voted against Russia three times in the UN. This is a big surprise. It is also a sign that there is a strong will in Belgrade to integrate into the EU.
In the Western Balkans, cooperation between the individual countries is growing very slowly. You would like to establish a kind of mini-Schengen between Serbia, Albania, and Montenegro. What are the chances for this to happen?
We need the free movement of people, goods, and services between our countries. This is part of our way into the EU. It is very important because it increases the chances for higher economic growth. All of us in the Western Balkans are very small markets. Therefore, further isolation is very disadvantageous for us economically. Already today we see the benefits of rapprochement in the Western Balkans through increased trade volume.
On July 19, the EU opened accession negotiations with Albania and northern Macedonia. How quickly will the talks progress?
It is very difficult to predict possible progress in the accession talks. It will not be easy. It will take us years to complete the road to the EU. In the end, it depends on ourselves how quickly we will meet all the conditions. But the EU’s constructive attitude to an expansion in the Western Balkans is also very important.
How does this constructive attitude manifest itself?
We are very happy about the transfer of know-how by the EU to move our country forward. No other institution in the world is more able to improve state organizations and support countries in their reform efforts to establish a functioning administration or an independent judiciary. It is thus fortunate for countries like Albania to receive this EU support at present.
Is Albania receiving sufficient support from Germany on its way to Europe? What do you expect from Chancellor Olaf Scholz?
I am very pleased with the way Germany and other EU member states are supporting the expansion process in our region. I am pleased that Chancellor Scholz is continuing the policy of his predecessor Angela Merkel. Scholz told me that Angela Merkel had specifically asked him to continue to regard the Western Balkans as a foreign policy priority.
You have a special relationship with Angela Merkel…
Chancellor Merkel has a deep understanding of the Western Balkans. A possible reason is that she has gained experience in a dictatorship. Therefore, she understood better than others what this historical legacy from communist times means for us. With the Berlin Process, she developed a real vision for the entire region. She succeeded in gathering all heads of state and government around one table for the first time in the history of the Western Balkans. Angela Merkel was a godsend for the Western Balkans.
Europe is struggling with a threatening energy crisis. What do the high electricity and gas prices mean for Albania?
We are blessed with an advantage. We can cover our electricity needs with hydropower. Thus, our energy production is already 100 percent green. We are in no way dependent on Russian gas. But we do depend on the blessing of the Lord in heaven to send us sufficient rainfall despite climate change (laughs). After all, in the past five years, we have had the driest period in our history. We run the risk of being dependent on energy imports in the future and would then fall into the same dependency as our neighbors in the region.
What measures has your government taken to guarantee the security of supply in times of climate change?
Basically, we will diversify our energy production. We are currently building two large solar parks in Albania. Further projects are in the pipeline. We will also expand wind energy. Furthermore, LNG is an issue for us. After all, the Trans-Adriatic Pipeline delivers gas from Azerbaijan via Greece to our southern coast and to Italy. We are also involved in the Ionian-Adriatic Pipeline project, which will deliver gas from Albania through Montenegro and Herzegovina to Croatia. This new pipeline will be connected to the Trans-Adriatic Pipeline.
Albania has oil and gas fields. Is there any progress in the exploration of fossil fuels?
We are waiting with great anticipation for the research results of the British oil company Shell. Large reserves of oil and gas have been discovered in the southeast of our country. The question is how economically viable extraction can be. The deposits lie very deep. Shell is currently carrying out appropriate tests. Separately from this field, I am convinced that Albania will become an energy exporter by 2030.
How do you deal with the high electricity price?
We have decided to keep energy prices for households and small businesses stable. We are thus at the same price level as last September. For us as a government, this means that we have to finance the gap between the capped energy price and the market price with large sums from the budget.
Currently, inflation has put the European economy in a headlock. How are you coping with the price increases in Albania?
With a forecast inflation rate of 5.5 percent, we have the lowest in our region. This is also due to our policy of capping energy prices. We are feeling the economic pain caused by inflation. Although it’s little consolation, that pain is more severe among our neighbors.
Let’s talk about the security policy of the NATO country Albania. Will there be a NATO base in Durrës? What significance will the naval base have?
The NATO naval base is related to the construction of a modern and commercial port outside the city of Durrës. We are working closely with NATO to create this NATO base. It is important for Albania at the entrance to the Adriatic Sea, but also for the security of the entire region. However, we are still at the beginning of the project.
How influential is China in the region?
In Albania, we do not have a strong Chinese presence. For example, the Chinese no longer own the airport in Tirana. They still own an important oil field and a number of smaller companies. That is all. But one thing is clear, Beijing has strong long-term economic interests in the region.
What about Turkey’s influence?
It is a myth that Turkey has allegedly built many mosques in Albania. This is not true. There is just one mosque that was built with Turkish support. In trade, on the other hand, the importance is growing.
And what about political influence?
Turkey has never interfered in our path to the European Union or in security policy issues. Because of our history, we have strong relations with Turkey – but nothing more.
Let’s return to the present. Most recently, in a guest article in the “Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung,” you were strongly attacked for not respecting the freedom of the press and journalists …
… I am really very sad about this fake news spread by respected quality media in big democracies. Honestly, I wonder how we can respond to such baseless accusations?
The text says: “Rama already denigrated journalists in front of running cameras as garbage cans, parasites, pigs and prostitutes.” Recently, you allegedly threatened a journalist with re-education.
In this article in the newspaper, which I hold in high esteem, quotes were put into my mouth that I never said in this way. Statements were taken out of context. This is all very sad for me. Such contributions move Albania regarding the question of freedom of the press into a corner, in which we do not belong. We are a country where anyone can say anything anywhere – without being discriminated against or disadvantaged.
In the current Reporters Without Borders ranking, however, your country is the 103rd out of 180 states. Not exactly a compliment.
That is a terrible assessment! The fact is that we do not have journalists who are threatened or even imprisoned. There are no restrictions on editorial offices and no government court cases against journalists. I am not an enemy of free media. Despite everything, I am the target of attacks. I have never said to journalists, you are garbage, pigs, or parasites. Never! But such unjustified attacks make for bad reviews.
Note: For some time now, various media – not only the “FAZ” – have been reporting on concerns about press freedom in Albania and the Prime Minister’s tense dealings with journalists.
Christian Johann sticks his tongue out. And on the highly official website of the European Academy Berlin at that. On a picture that introduces him as the director. What a great title: Director of an academy, based in a villa in Grunewald. It all sounds so statesmanlike, he thinks. He could be photographed in tails and tie, but that would defeat the academy’s purpose. The only help is a break in style, hence the picture with the tongue.
Johann is 40 and has been Director of the European Academy Berlin for two years. When he meets new people, he introduces himself like this: “I’m part of an organization that bridges the gap between people and Europe.” The EAB is a political education center hosting conferences, meetings, and seminars on topics related to European politics. Johann thinks the whole purpose of his work is to be approachable. Here, anyone and everyone should find access to Europe. Without previous education. People should be encouraged to question: What does Europe have to do with my life?
The specialty: The house’s guest groups are very diverse. It happens that at noon the commanders of the Air Force come in for a training course. In the afternoon, students meet to discuss the extinction of species.
Johann did not grow up a fan of Europe. His parents fled the GDR for West Berlin when he was three years old. He no longer remembers the place “over there.” But his parents do, and they took something with them: skepticism about politics. Such topics were never discussed at the dinner table. But Johann himself always had a hunger for understanding, for participation. At 18, he joined the SPD.
Judo and political education are similar. Johann takes many of his skills from Japanese martial arts. He was eight years old when he first went to judo lessons. He was 15 when he started teaching himself.
He taught his students how to take responsibility for their opponents. How they can let off steam, but under firm rules. And how they keep a big goal in mind – maybe the next belt color – even though it takes years to reach it. Perseverance is the most crucial skill for Johann. “In my work, it’s hard to see direct results immediately. I want to encourage critical thinking. How do you measure that?” he says.
The EAB has been around since the 1960s. When he took office, Johann set out to knead the EAB like pizza dough. For example, he made an effort to create a Tiktok channel for the EAB. Since he works there, there have also been new forms of events: Together with the fashion platform Zalando, Johann brought Ukrainian fashion labels to Berlin in the Villa’s garden. There they were allowed to exhibit their new designs.
1,500 visitors came and donated. Among them were many hipsters, who spoke only English and had made their way to the bourgeois Grunewald for the first time. Anna Scheld
with the Single Market Emergency Instrument (SMEI), the EU Commission intends to learn the lessons taught by the pandemic. The emergency instrument enables the Commission to make deep interventions in the single market in the event of a crisis. “We don’t want a planned economy,” said the responsible commissioner, Thierry Breton, when presenting the proposal. However, that is precisely the accusation of the critics. The crisis measures would have “strong interventionist and planned economy features,” said Wolfgang Niedermark, a BDI’s executive board member. Also harsh in criticizing the proposal is Matthias Kullas, an internal market expert at the Center for European Policy. Berlin, on the other hand, welcomes the plans. Markus Grabitz knows the details.
“In the end, it depends on us how quickly we will meet all the conditions,” says Edi Rama, Prime Minister of Albania since 2013, about his country’s accession process to the EU. In an interview with Hans-Peter Siebenhaar, he talks about Brussels’ role in reforms in Albania, the impact of climate change on energy supplies, and the influence of China and Turkey. When it comes to freedom of the press, the news coming from the Balkan country are worrying – but Rama rejects accusations to that effect. “I am not an enemy of free media,” he says in an interview.
The Commission’s decision to include nuclear power and natural gas projects in the environmental taxonomy continues to cause heated debate. At the beginning of July, a veto motion by several MEPs to prevent the inclusion failed. Greenpeace is threatening to take the matter to the European Court of Justice. Read more in the news.
Wolfgang Niedermark, a BDI’s Executive Board member, sees disproportionately profound intervention in the economy: “The EU Commission is shooting far beyond the announced goal of ensuring a functioning single market in times of crisis.” The crisis measures have “strong interventionist and planned economy features,” he said.
Internal Market Commissioner Thierry Breton had already tried to dispel precisely these concerns when presenting the proposal: “No, we do not want a planned economy. We want exactly the opposite. It’s about ensuring the smooth functioning of the internal market even in crises.”
The Single Market Emergency Instrument (SMEI) is one of the key measures that Commission President Ursula von der Leyen has planned for the coming months. With the emergency instrument, the Commission wants to draw the consequences of the Covid crisis. In the process, supply chains were threatened because member states went it alone nationally, did not allow medical personnel to leave the country, or prohibit the export of masks and respirators. “I was on the phone for days trying to reopen the borders and clear supply routes for strategically important products,” Breton said.
It should never come to that again. That is why the Commission has put together an emergency toolbox to keep the single market alive in the event of a pandemic or war.
And these are the measures that companies could face in an emergency: Companies may be required to provide information about their production. The Commission can order them to prioritize the production of certain products. Failure to comply could result in fines and periodic penalty payments. The Commission can also crack down on member states: it can order them to take measures to secure supply chains.
It can ask member states to remove measures that jeopardize the single market. In emergency mode, member states are also required to notify the Commission of measures that threaten the supply of strategically important goods and services. The Commission can instruct the Member States to build national reserves of strategically important goods.
Andreas Schwab (CDU), an internal market expert in the EU Parliament, praises the Commission’s initiative: “The emergency instrument is the right response to the challenges of the Covid pandemic and Russia’s war of aggression on Ukraine.” He added that the EU must remain functional even in crisis mode. The MEP calls for “the EU to be smart on supply chain monitoring measures, strategic reserves, and prioritization of public procurement.”
After all, the point is to strengthen the single market and not to “restrict entrepreneurial freedom too much,” he said. This is especially true in non-crisis times, he said, adding that in an emergency supply chain resilience can best be ensured in close cooperation with companies and functioning markets.
The crisis instrument is to have three phases – red, yellow, and green – like traffic lights. At normal times – i.e., when the light is green – the Commission simply collects information from member states and companies to regularly present a well-founded risk assessment. When crises are looming, the traffic light jumps to yellow. In this phase of heightened vigilance, the Commission analyzes the risk of interrupted supply chains for strategically important products and services. Products are identified for which member states are to build national reserves.
If the member states fail to set aside the necessary reserves, the Commission can instruct them. In crisis mode, the traffic light switches to red, at which point restrictive measures are possible. For some products, the Commission has its own instruments to avoid shortages. Therefore, the SMEI is not applied to chips, medical devices, and energy sources.
The Commission decides whether to activate the yellow (“vigilance”) phase. It is counseled by the Advisory Group, which comprises representatives of the Commission and one member from each Member State. The phase of increased vigilance is declared for up to six months and controlled by the Member states in the so-called comitology procedure.
The red phase (emergency mode) is triggered by a qualified majority in the Council of Ministers. The emergency mode can also be imposed for six months and is renewable depending on how the crisis develops.
The BDI criticizes the decision-making processes as too vague: “Great uncertainty arises for business if it is impossible to understand the definition of a crisis and which goods and commodities are of strategic importance.”
Matthias Kullas, an expert on the internal market at the Center for European Policy (CEP), takes a hard line on the proposal, saying it is “an arrogation of knowledge and a massive encroachment on entrepreneurial freedom.” It is the task of companies to adapt quickly to changing circumstances and thus counteract shortages; the prospect of higher profits provides the incentive to do so. The Commission could help companies by reducing bureaucracy.
But: “Entrusting state administrations with the task of counteracting shortages will have no added value in managing a crisis.” At best, he says, “only” unnecessary bureaucracy is created. “At worst, resources will be misdirected,” Kullas warns.
The Green-led Federal Ministry of Economics said in Berlin on Monday that the government welcomes the proposal to maintain the free movement of goods and services in the EU’s internal market in case of future crises. The European Union must improve its crisis preparedness, it said. The corresponding EU regulation should thus now be analyzed in detail. With rtr
Prime Minister, how much does the Ukraine war threaten stability and peace in the Balkans?
Edi Rama: It is a potential threat to our region. Because Russia has traditionally had a strong influence in parts of the Balkan. This is particularly true of Serbia, Montenegro, northern Macedonia, and the Republic of Srpska in Bosnia-Herzegovina.
What does this mean for the EU’s sanctions policy against Russia?
We must do everything possible to keep the potential threat away from the Balkans. Therefore, there should be no more pressure on Serbia to impose sanctions against Russia. Such sanctions are impossible because Serbia cannot survive without Russia. Moreover, the government and President Aleksandar Vučić would not survive sanctions against Russia politically. Serbia has already shown its stance. We must not forget that Belgrade has already voted against Russia three times in the UN. This is a big surprise. It is also a sign that there is a strong will in Belgrade to integrate into the EU.
In the Western Balkans, cooperation between the individual countries is growing very slowly. You would like to establish a kind of mini-Schengen between Serbia, Albania, and Montenegro. What are the chances for this to happen?
We need the free movement of people, goods, and services between our countries. This is part of our way into the EU. It is very important because it increases the chances for higher economic growth. All of us in the Western Balkans are very small markets. Therefore, further isolation is very disadvantageous for us economically. Already today we see the benefits of rapprochement in the Western Balkans through increased trade volume.
On July 19, the EU opened accession negotiations with Albania and northern Macedonia. How quickly will the talks progress?
It is very difficult to predict possible progress in the accession talks. It will not be easy. It will take us years to complete the road to the EU. In the end, it depends on ourselves how quickly we will meet all the conditions. But the EU’s constructive attitude to an expansion in the Western Balkans is also very important.
How does this constructive attitude manifest itself?
We are very happy about the transfer of know-how by the EU to move our country forward. No other institution in the world is more able to improve state organizations and support countries in their reform efforts to establish a functioning administration or an independent judiciary. It is thus fortunate for countries like Albania to receive this EU support at present.
Is Albania receiving sufficient support from Germany on its way to Europe? What do you expect from Chancellor Olaf Scholz?
I am very pleased with the way Germany and other EU member states are supporting the expansion process in our region. I am pleased that Chancellor Scholz is continuing the policy of his predecessor Angela Merkel. Scholz told me that Angela Merkel had specifically asked him to continue to regard the Western Balkans as a foreign policy priority.
You have a special relationship with Angela Merkel…
Chancellor Merkel has a deep understanding of the Western Balkans. A possible reason is that she has gained experience in a dictatorship. Therefore, she understood better than others what this historical legacy from communist times means for us. With the Berlin Process, she developed a real vision for the entire region. She succeeded in gathering all heads of state and government around one table for the first time in the history of the Western Balkans. Angela Merkel was a godsend for the Western Balkans.
Europe is struggling with a threatening energy crisis. What do the high electricity and gas prices mean for Albania?
We are blessed with an advantage. We can cover our electricity needs with hydropower. Thus, our energy production is already 100 percent green. We are in no way dependent on Russian gas. But we do depend on the blessing of the Lord in heaven to send us sufficient rainfall despite climate change (laughs). After all, in the past five years, we have had the driest period in our history. We run the risk of being dependent on energy imports in the future and would then fall into the same dependency as our neighbors in the region.
What measures has your government taken to guarantee the security of supply in times of climate change?
Basically, we will diversify our energy production. We are currently building two large solar parks in Albania. Further projects are in the pipeline. We will also expand wind energy. Furthermore, LNG is an issue for us. After all, the Trans-Adriatic Pipeline delivers gas from Azerbaijan via Greece to our southern coast and to Italy. We are also involved in the Ionian-Adriatic Pipeline project, which will deliver gas from Albania through Montenegro and Herzegovina to Croatia. This new pipeline will be connected to the Trans-Adriatic Pipeline.
Albania has oil and gas fields. Is there any progress in the exploration of fossil fuels?
We are waiting with great anticipation for the research results of the British oil company Shell. Large reserves of oil and gas have been discovered in the southeast of our country. The question is how economically viable extraction can be. The deposits lie very deep. Shell is currently carrying out appropriate tests. Separately from this field, I am convinced that Albania will become an energy exporter by 2030.
How do you deal with the high electricity price?
We have decided to keep energy prices for households and small businesses stable. We are thus at the same price level as last September. For us as a government, this means that we have to finance the gap between the capped energy price and the market price with large sums from the budget.
Currently, inflation has put the European economy in a headlock. How are you coping with the price increases in Albania?
With a forecast inflation rate of 5.5 percent, we have the lowest in our region. This is also due to our policy of capping energy prices. We are feeling the economic pain caused by inflation. Although it’s little consolation, that pain is more severe among our neighbors.
Let’s talk about the security policy of the NATO country Albania. Will there be a NATO base in Durrës? What significance will the naval base have?
The NATO naval base is related to the construction of a modern and commercial port outside the city of Durrës. We are working closely with NATO to create this NATO base. It is important for Albania at the entrance to the Adriatic Sea, but also for the security of the entire region. However, we are still at the beginning of the project.
How influential is China in the region?
In Albania, we do not have a strong Chinese presence. For example, the Chinese no longer own the airport in Tirana. They still own an important oil field and a number of smaller companies. That is all. But one thing is clear, Beijing has strong long-term economic interests in the region.
What about Turkey’s influence?
It is a myth that Turkey has allegedly built many mosques in Albania. This is not true. There is just one mosque that was built with Turkish support. In trade, on the other hand, the importance is growing.
And what about political influence?
Turkey has never interfered in our path to the European Union or in security policy issues. Because of our history, we have strong relations with Turkey – but nothing more.
Let’s return to the present. Most recently, in a guest article in the “Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung,” you were strongly attacked for not respecting the freedom of the press and journalists …
… I am really very sad about this fake news spread by respected quality media in big democracies. Honestly, I wonder how we can respond to such baseless accusations?
The text says: “Rama already denigrated journalists in front of running cameras as garbage cans, parasites, pigs and prostitutes.” Recently, you allegedly threatened a journalist with re-education.
In this article in the newspaper, which I hold in high esteem, quotes were put into my mouth that I never said in this way. Statements were taken out of context. This is all very sad for me. Such contributions move Albania regarding the question of freedom of the press into a corner, in which we do not belong. We are a country where anyone can say anything anywhere – without being discriminated against or disadvantaged.
In the current Reporters Without Borders ranking, however, your country is the 103rd out of 180 states. Not exactly a compliment.
That is a terrible assessment! The fact is that we do not have journalists who are threatened or even imprisoned. There are no restrictions on editorial offices and no government court cases against journalists. I am not an enemy of free media. Despite everything, I am the target of attacks. I have never said to journalists, you are garbage, pigs, or parasites. Never! But such unjustified attacks make for bad reviews.
Note: For some time now, various media – not only the “FAZ” – have been reporting on concerns about press freedom in Albania and the Prime Minister’s tense dealings with journalists.
Christian Johann sticks his tongue out. And on the highly official website of the European Academy Berlin at that. On a picture that introduces him as the director. What a great title: Director of an academy, based in a villa in Grunewald. It all sounds so statesmanlike, he thinks. He could be photographed in tails and tie, but that would defeat the academy’s purpose. The only help is a break in style, hence the picture with the tongue.
Johann is 40 and has been Director of the European Academy Berlin for two years. When he meets new people, he introduces himself like this: “I’m part of an organization that bridges the gap between people and Europe.” The EAB is a political education center hosting conferences, meetings, and seminars on topics related to European politics. Johann thinks the whole purpose of his work is to be approachable. Here, anyone and everyone should find access to Europe. Without previous education. People should be encouraged to question: What does Europe have to do with my life?
The specialty: The house’s guest groups are very diverse. It happens that at noon the commanders of the Air Force come in for a training course. In the afternoon, students meet to discuss the extinction of species.
Johann did not grow up a fan of Europe. His parents fled the GDR for West Berlin when he was three years old. He no longer remembers the place “over there.” But his parents do, and they took something with them: skepticism about politics. Such topics were never discussed at the dinner table. But Johann himself always had a hunger for understanding, for participation. At 18, he joined the SPD.
Judo and political education are similar. Johann takes many of his skills from Japanese martial arts. He was eight years old when he first went to judo lessons. He was 15 when he started teaching himself.
He taught his students how to take responsibility for their opponents. How they can let off steam, but under firm rules. And how they keep a big goal in mind – maybe the next belt color – even though it takes years to reach it. Perseverance is the most crucial skill for Johann. “In my work, it’s hard to see direct results immediately. I want to encourage critical thinking. How do you measure that?” he says.
The EAB has been around since the 1960s. When he took office, Johann set out to knead the EAB like pizza dough. For example, he made an effort to create a Tiktok channel for the EAB. Since he works there, there have also been new forms of events: Together with the fashion platform Zalando, Johann brought Ukrainian fashion labels to Berlin in the Villa’s garden. There they were allowed to exhibit their new designs.
1,500 visitors came and donated. Among them were many hipsters, who spoke only English and had made their way to the bourgeois Grunewald for the first time. Anna Scheld
