The meeting place was not chosen at random: The heads of state and government of the 31 NATO states are meeting today in Vilnius, where the military alliance’s two-day summit begins at noon. The border of Belarus is close by, but it is also not far from the so-called Suwalki Gap. This is the point with the Russian enclave of Kaliningrad, where the alliance is particularly vulnerable. A sign of solidarity and determination should go out from Vilnius in the direction of Moscow.
Until the last moment, it seemed that Recep Tayyip Erdoğan wanted to disrupt the choreography. Then on Monday evening, reassurance came in Vilnius. There, on the initiative of NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg, the Turkish President met with Swedish Prime Minister Ulf Kristersson before the start of the summit. Erdoğan subsequently lifted the blockade on Sweden’s accession and expressed readiness to submit the ratification protocol to the Turkish parliament. Stoltenberg wrote on Twitter about a “historic step” that would make the allies stronger and safer.
The NATO summit is supposed to focus on support for Ukraine. However, President Volodymyr Zelenskiy cannot hope for a quick NATO accession in Vilnius. US President Joe Biden has suggested a security partnership based on the Israel model as an interim solution. Skeptics point out, however, that this would be very expensive for the allies and that Israel has nuclear weapons as a deterrent.
Speaking of deterrence: In Vilnius, the allies also want to adopt their new defense concept (“New Force Model”). It provides for a return to territorial defense. Up to 300,000 soldiers are to be ready for deployment throughout the alliance’s territory within a maximum of 30 days. But more exercises, more presence and more air defense capacity will also increase costs. In Vilnius, the NATO states therefore want to commit themselves to spending at least two percent of their economic output on defense.
We will keep you updated on Vilnius.
200 meters below sea level begins the deep sea, the largest ecosystem on the planet and the habitat of millions of species. Many of them have not yet been discovered. Other treasures are stored in rocks, crusts and nodules at depths of 2,000 to 6,000 meters: Manganese, iron and metals such as cobalt, nickel and copper – raw materials that the EU Commission classifies as strategically important for digitization, the energy and mobility revolution, and for greater independence from imports from countries such as China.
Since Sunday, the International Seabed Authority (ISA) in Kingston, Jamaica, has again been negotiating the possible mining of these raw materials in the deep sea. In 2021, the Pacific island nation of Nauru, which together with Canada’s The Metals Company (TMC) wants to apply for the world’s first license to mine manganese nodules, triggered the so-called two-year clause of the international law of the sea. Accordingly, the ISA had to submit a set of rules within two years. This deadline has now expired, but regulation is not expected this year.
The Assembly of ISA members – 167 states plus the EU – could now theoretically implement a moratorium on deep-sea mining, which would apply until the rules are established. This is what a group led by France and Chile, for example, is proposing. France is calling for a complete ban on deep-sea mining; the Assemblée Nationale voted earlier this year for a ban in French waters.
The German government has been seeking a “precautionary pause” since last year. “Deep-sea mining would further pollute the oceans and irretrievably destroy ecosystems”, said German Environment Minister Steffi Lemke. “Therefore, as a first step, we are promoting a pause and no hasty decisions at the expense of the marine environment.” Germany supports further exploration of the deep sea, but will not support any applications for commercial mining of raw materials until further notice, said Franziska Brantner, parliamentary state secretary at the Federal Ministry for Economic Affairs.
This is also in line with the EU’s position: The Commission had advocated a precautionary pause in its 2021 Agenda for International Maritime Policy. The EU would advocate a ban on deep-sea mining until the scientific gaps had been closed, harmful effects had been ruled out and the ISA had developed rules for effective protection of the marine environment. The EU Parliament had also called for this, including in its own-initiative report for the EU raw materials strategy.
More and more member states are joining this position, most recently Ireland and Sweden. However, not all states are of the same mind: The Norwegian government announced at the end of June that it would open up an area in national waters for mining activities and develop a strategy for deep-sea mining. Whether the deposits of massive sulfides there, which contain rare earths, for example, will prove profitable and can be mined sustainably remains to be seen.
However, Norway hopes to develop a new industry beyond the oil and gas industry and become a “world leader” in sustainable and responsible management of seabed resources. The proposal must first be voted on by the Norwegian parliament.
In view of the forecasts for the massive increase in global demand for raw materials for the energy and mobility transition, the treasures on the seabed also appear promising for other countries. Following a test to excavate a cobalt-rich crust on the seabed in 2020, the Japanese raw materials agency JOGMEC said the area studied in the Japanese deep-sea contained enough cobalt to meet Japan’s needs for 88 years – and enough nickel to meet demand for twelve years.
The ISA has already established rules for the exploration of raw material deposits in international deep-sea waters. The world’s largest deposits of manganese nodules are being explored in the Clarion-Clipperton Zone, an area of nine million square kilometers in the Pacific Ocean between Hawaii and Mexico, roughly equivalent to the area of Europe. There, the ISA has so far granted 17 exploration licenses, including to Germany, France, Belgium, Japan, Russia, China and an Eastern European consortium.
In addition to manganese, which is mainly used in steel production, manganese nodules contain metals that are used for batteries – copper, nickel and cobalt. However, a study by the German “Öko-Institut” recently concluded that deep-sea raw materials are not essential for the energy transition.
The German Federal Institute for Geosciences and Natural Resources (BGR) has been commissioned by the German government to carry out exploration in two license areas: since 2006 in a sector covering approximately 75,000 square kilometers in the Clarion-Clipperton zone, and also since 2015 in the Indian Ocean, where the possible mining of massive sulfides is being explored. On the one hand, exploration is about examining the nature and distribution of the raw materials relevant to mining. 80 percent of the money available to the BGR for manganese nodule exploration is now invested in researching the ecosystems that would be affected by mining, says Annemiek Vink, a marine biologist at the BGR.
The argument that the deep sea has not yet been sufficiently researched is not exactly correct, says Vink. “Researchers have been studying the deep sea for thirty to forty years, and there are tens of thousands of publications, including many hundreds on deep-sea mining and its potential environmental impacts.” The Clarion-Clipperton zone is the best-researched deep-sea zone in the world. The problem is the enormous complexity of the ecosystems. “The more we study, the more we find out how complex and heterogeneous the species population is.”
It is not yet possible to say what effects it would have in individual regions of the huge potential mining area if the manganese nodules were irretrievably removed from the ecosystem. Two years ago, researchers in the German license area already tested a collector that “harvests” the manganese nodules on the seabed. Now it’s necessary to see how the area recovers, Vink says. “These are questions that take time.” However, studies such as the German-funded DISCOL project in the southeast Pacific near Peru show that ecosystems have not recovered even decades after manganese nodules were mined.
With the ISA negotiations in Jamaica continuing until July 21, one question now takes center stage: How does the agency handle potential mining applications until binding rules are in place? To be sure, Nauru has already declared that it will hold off on its application for commercial resource extraction. However, since the deadline has expired, applications from other countries can theoretically be received by the ISA as of now.
In this context, environmentalists also criticize the negotiations on the EU Critical Raw Materials Act. The mandate negotiated by the Council of the EU does not include the necessary environmental and social safeguards, the Environmental Justice Foundation informs. “This could open the back door for the extraction and processing of critical raw materials extracted from the deep sea by EU countries or their importation into the EU”, the NGO warns.
July 12, 2023; 12-1 p.m., online
ECFR, Presentation China and Ukraine: The Chinese debate about Russia’s war and its meaning for the world
The European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR) will present the findings of their recent report “China and Ukraine: The Chinese Debate about Russia’s War and its Meaning for the World”, and discuss what lessons Europe can learn from China’s relationship with Russia. INFO & REGISTRATION
July 13-14, 2023; Ispra (Italy)/online
JRC, Seminar JRC Summer School on Sustainable Finance
This summer school, hosted by the Joint Research Centre (JRC) of the European Commission, brings together researchers, practitioners, and policymakers to discuss recent developments and innovations in the field of sustainable finance. INFO & REGISTRATION
July 13, 2023; 10 a.m.-12 p.m., Brussels (Belgium)/online
Interreg Europe, Roundtable Stakeholder consultation on the future of cohesion policy post-2027
The co-rapporteurs of the European Committee of the Regions, who are drafting an opinion on the future of cohesion policy, intend to meet representatives of local and regional authorities and other relevant stakeholders for a consultation and exchange of views. INFO & REGISTRATION
Trucks that emit no greenhouse gases and trucks in intermodal use are to be allowed to transport heavier loads in the future. Since the technology used in battery-electric commercial vehicles is particularly heavy, a 40-ton zero-emission vehicle, for example, is to have a permissible gross weight of 41 tons in the future. Under certain conditions, the permitted total weight of zero-emission vehicles is even to be increased by four tons. This is the proposal of the Commission for Weights and Measures in Freight Transport, which is to be decided today and is available to Table.Media.
The Commission also wants to harmonize approval procedures for trucks with particularly high loads and long dimensions (“gigaliners”). The measures are intended to increase the share of transport by zero-emission vehicles to 90 percent by 2050. Zero-emission vehicles are battery-powered trucks, trucks with fuel cells and trucks with hydrogen combustion engines.
Intermodal transport is understood to mean that goods are transported by at least two modes of transport. The aim is therefore to push back the dominance of road transport and increase the share of transport by rail and ship. With the directive, the Commission wants to achieve a paradigm shift from freight transport by road to intermodal transport. In 2030, intermodal freight transport is expected to account for 21 billion ton-kilometers. By 2050, the figure should be 26 billion ton-kilometers. mgr
The EU Commission has significantly weakened the reporting requirements under the regulation on subsidies from third countries. This was the authority’s response to criticism from industry and member states. The new rules for subsidy control are aimed primarily at companies from countries such as China, but apply equally to European companies operating outside the EU.
The German government and industry welcomed the improvements: The Commission had “essentially accepted” the German amendment proposals, a spokesman for the German Federal Ministry of Economic Affairs and Climate Protection said in response to a question. The instrument is sufficiently flexible to address cases of significant subsidies that distort competition. The reporting of financial contributions would thus become “more manageable, even if extensive reporting requirements remain in place”, said Ulrike Suchsland, legal expert at the BDI.
The Foreign Subsidies Regulation (FSR) was adopted by the Council and the European Parliament in a fast-track procedure a year ago. The regulation stipulates that companies must notify the Commission of planned company mergers and public contracts if they receive substantial financial contributions from third countries in return. This applies to:
In February, the Commission presented its first draft of the implementing regulation, which sets out in detail what information companies must provide. However, the German government and industry criticized the draft for imposing excessive bureaucracy on multinational companies. As a result, they “went back to the drawing board”, according to the Commission.
In fact, the agency sharply narrowed the reporting requirements in the executive order submitted yesterday:
The new reporting requirements will take effect from Oct. 12. At that time, the Commission is still likely to receive a large number of reports. These are to be processed by a task force of the Directorates-General for Competition and the Internal Market. The Commission does not want to say how many posts have been earmarked for this purpose: However, it will “ensure that the necessary resources are available”, is all that is said in the authority. tho
The Polish government is linking its approval of a revised EU financial plan to the release of funds from the Corona reconstruction program. Unanimity in the Council is needed for the revision of the Multiannual Financial Framework (MFF), Polish representative Andrzej Sadoś said yesterday at the General Council in Brussels. “And in this context, Poland recalls that it does not have access to EU funds to finance the national reconstruction plan.” Therefore, Warsaw could not support a decision at this stage.
Poland is entitled to €24 billion in grants and €11.5 billion in loans from the Corona Reconstruction and Resilience Facility. However, the EU Commission is withholding the funds as long as the national conservative government does not reverse parts of its judicial reform. There is no agreement in sight: Just last week, the Commission criticized considerable shortcomings in Poland in its report on the rule of law.
Hungary could also block the revision of the MFF. Yesterday, Justice Minister Judit Varga recalled that Budapest, too, has so far received “not a penny” from the reconstruction program and demanded more information on the planned financial package for Ukraine. But negotiations on the MFF are still at an early stage, she explained, saying that in the past Hungary has always taken responsibility on issues with unanimity.
In mid-June, the Commission proposed a mid-term review of the MFF, which runs from 2021 to 2027. The authority is calling for an additional €66 billion. The money is needed for financial aid to Ukraine, to cope with migration and for the new STEP platform to promote key technologies. Added to this are increased administrative costs in the wake of inflation and higher interest costs for the reconstruction and resilience facility. Budget Commissioner Johannes Hahn yesterday defended the additional demands as “minimally invasive”.
Apart from the Ukraine aid, however, the proposal meets with little approval in the Council. The tight budgetary situation in all member states must also be reflected in clear priorities in the EU budget, said German Minister of State for Europe Anna Lührmann (Greens). Therefore, she said, further proposals for reallocations within the budget are needed. Austrian Europe Minister Karoline Edtstadler stressed that her government had “great reservations” about the proposal. Moreover, there was no time pressure for the MFF revision.
Her compatriot Hahn disagreed: So far, Ukraine’s aid for next year is not reflected in the budget, so time is very much pressing. Referring to calls by several net contributors to reallocate funds from other EU pots, such as the Cohesion Fund, Hahn countered: “I’m not aware that any cohesion country has already offered to cede part of its funds.” tho
Data can flow freely across the Atlantic again. The Commission adopted the new EU-US Data Privacy Framework on Monday. The decision stipulates that the US will ensure an adequate level of protection – comparable to that of the EU – for personal data.
The decision became necessary after the European Court of Justice declared the existing Privacy Shield invalid in 2020. The ruling is known as Schrems II, because it was the second time that lawyer and data protection activist Max Schrems took action against the legal basis for transatlantic data traffic. The data protection framework regulates both the transfer of data by companies and the access of state bodies such as intelligence services to personal data from the EU.
Justice Commissioner Didier Reynders is confident that the new regulation has allayed all concerns of European judges. Access to data is limited to what is necessary and proportionate to protect national security, Reynders said. He referred to the decree issued by US President Joe Biden in October 2022. This echoes the ECJ’s criticisms, he said. An independent and impartial appeals process should also allow individuals to have complaints investigated.
Max Schrems is not convinced. The Commission’s third attempt to reach a stable agreement with the US will also end up before the ECJ in a few months. The new data protection agreement, he says, is largely a copy of the failed Privacy Shield. Among other things, Schrems’ criticism refers to the word “proportionate“, which would be assessed differently by the US than by judges of the ECJ.
Schrems said there has been “no substantive change in US surveillance law“, but it is necessary. “The mere assertion that something is ‘new’, ‘robust’ or ‘effective’ is not sufficient before the Court”, Schrems said. Both Reynders and digital association Bitkom expect the new data protection framework to be subject to judicial review.
First, however, Bitkom welcomed the end of the “three-year stalemate”. This gives companies legal certainty again. Small and medium-sized companies in particular will benefit from this, said Bitkom President Ralf Wintergerst. He pointed out that data transfers are a central part of the global economy. Often, the prevention or even obstruction of data transfers “poses just as serious a challenge to German and European companies as the disruption of supply chains“. vis
Dutch Prime Minister Mark Rutte plans to retire from politics after breaking with the government. For politics in the country, the 56-year-old’s departure means a new beginning after 13 years in power. Rutte had repeatedly succeeded in bringing together the polarized party landscape.
On Friday, the coalition of Rutte’s right-wing liberal VVD, the left-liberal D66, the Christian Democrats and the Calvinist Christian Union collapsed after a year and a half. Rutte terminated it because there was no agreement on family reunification for refugees with subsidiary protection. The group of people involved is very manageable.
But the Prime Minister said at the start of a parliamentary debate yesterday that it was a personal decision, independent of the current situation. “This debate must be about our country.”
Rutte had led his VVD party for 17 years. Without him, the VVD is likely to be significantly less dominant than in previous years. Many voters chose the party because of his experience and leadership. Observers expect that the VVD will now turn away somewhat from Rutte’s centrist course and adopt a more right-wing liberal stance.
It is not clear which political force will benefit from the government’s failure. A swing to the right by the VVD would give other parties more breathing room. The Christian Democrats, however, have shrunk considerably and have no candidate after the previous Foreign Minister, Wopke Hoekstra, also announced his retirement. The left-liberal D66 is also in a leadership crisis.
Other parties on the political left therefore probably have better chances if they actually manage to agree on a joint election list. This might even open a door for EU Commission Vice-President Frans Timmermans, say observers.
His Social Democrats (Partij van de Arbeid) had fallen into political insignificance in the last elections, but now want to form a joint list with the Greens in all upcoming elections. They are currently asking for grassroots approval for this in a membership survey. For Timmermans, this could provide an opportunity, for example by becoming the top candidate on the joint list. However, the urbane Timmermans is seen by many voters as aloof.
The farmers’ and citizens’ movement BBB, which surprisingly became the strongest force in the regional elections, is also likely to play a strong role in the national elections. However, its founder Caroline van der Plas said in an interview that she was not available for the post of Prime Minister. mgr/tho
The German government is lobbying at EU level against a general ban on new gas and oil-fired heating systems from 2029. “Germany cannot support a regulation for conventional space heaters and boilers that does not allow exceptions in certain situations”, the German government writes in its response to a consultation by the EU Commission on new ecodesign regulations.
The German government’s June statement, which is available to Table.Media, refers to a planned rule under which the EU Commission intends to permit only the installation of gas and oil heating systems that achieve an energy efficiency of at least 115 percent from September 2029. This would not be possible for purely conventional boilers, so the rule would amount to a ban. However, according to the “Öko-Institut”, efficiency could be increased, for example, by combining it with a heat pump or solar thermal system.
With regard to the exemptions it is seeking, the German government refers to those it has also planned in the Building Energy Act, for example for cases of hardship or the planned connection to a hydrogen network. The German government is also asking the Commission to examine whether manufacturers of gas and oil heating systems should have to meet the efficiency requirement “only for a portion of their delivered products for a certain period of time”.
With the efficiency regulations, the Commission would also make heating with hydrogen impossible. In its statement, the German government now asks the Commission to investigate whether the suitability of gas boilers for hydrogen can be regulated at the EU level: “Is it possible to ensure the hydrogen compatibility of boilers through ecodesign, i.e., to require that new boiler models can be operated with mixtures of 0 percent to 100 percent hydrogen?” According to the federal government, hydrogen quotas could apply to new heating models from September 2025, for example, and to all gas boilers sold from September 2029. ber
On Monday, the Aurelia Foundation, which works to protect bees, announced a lawsuit in European courts against the extension of the approval of the controversial herbicide glyphosate. Previously, the German Environmental Aid (DUH) had already announced a lawsuit against the approval of the glyphosate product Roundup Powerflex for July – with “expert support from Foodwatch”, as the DUH writes.
The background to this is that the European Food Safety Authority (EFSA) classified glyphosate as safe on Thursday. The approval extension still has to be decided by the EU Commission and the member states, and German Minister for Agriculture Cem Özdemir has already announced his veto.
The EU Commission recently confirmed in principle the right of the Aurelia Foundation to conduct a pesticide legal review. Health Commissioner Stella Kyriakides confirmed this in a letter. Previously, this had not been possible because the relevant EU Regulation 1367/2006 was not adapted to the Aarhus Convention, which is binding under international law, until 2021.
The Aurelia Foundation’s lawsuit is therefore breaking new legal ground in the EU. Aurelia board member Thomas Radetzki justifies his intention to sue by claiming that glyphosate harms not only weeds but also bees and other pollinators. DUH’s national director Jürgen Resch refers to research opinions that EFSA has not taken into account: “The new assessment of the European Food Safety Authority on glyphosate contradicts the assessment by the World Health Organization and numerous scientific studies.” ab
The EU states and the EU Commission are not doing enough for healthy soils in the eyes of the European Court of Auditors. They have not made sufficient use of funds and legislative options, the auditors announced on Monday. For example, the Court of Auditors estimates that about €85 billion were allocated to improving soil health under the Common Agricultural Policy between 2014 and 2020. Requirements to access such farm money and reduce soil stress did not go far enough, they said.
The majority of soils in Europe are in poor condition, according to an analysis by the Court of Auditors. Areas with urgent problems have also received only a small portion of the rural development funding pot, which was intended to support the voluntary application of environmentally friendly management methods. The EU countries examined for the report were Germany, Ireland, Spain, France and the Netherlands.
The poor condition of the approximately 60 to 70 percent of soils affected is due in part to improper soil management and manure management practices. Excessive fertilization in agriculture negatively affects water quality and the diversity of plants and animals. The poor condition should alarm the EU and spur action to improve soil quality, the report said.
The auditors also stressed how important soils are for future generations. They provide nutrients, water and oxygen and offer plants a basis for growth. dpa
Have you seen the movie “Don’t Look Up!”? The Netflix production is about two scientists who constantly warn of the approaching impact of an asteroid – and are simply not taken seriously before all life on Earth is wiped out. Now you may think whatever you want about Netflix, but the movie was oddly relatable – the current threat does not come from a rock from outer space, but from the supposedly creeping, but inevitably noticeable nature and climate crisis. The plot of “Don’t Look Up!” is frighteningly close to what we can observe in the discussion about the Nature Restoration Law (NRL).
The EU law is supposed to oblige all member states to restore degraded ecosystems in their countries. A project that is essential for survival, considering the rapid loss of our species and ecosystems and the fatal effects and future threats to the basis of all our lives. However, the European People’s Party (EPP) has massively attacked the law in recent weeks – and is not afraid to make false statements to support its cause.
The numerous EPP myths about expropriation, threats to food security, collapse of the European economy, etc. have long been debunked – including by the Lithuanian EU Commissioner for Environment, Oceans and Fisheries, Virginijus Sinkevičius. The expansion of renewable energies and the NRL are not contradictory, but go hand in hand, say energy companies such as Wind Europe and Solar Power Europe.
The NRL secures our economic base, say more than 60 of Europe’s largest consumer, financial and energy companies – including Nestlé, Unilever and Ikea. And more than 70 EU farmers and agricultural organizations stress the importance of the NRL in safeguarding food production. In addition, there is broad support from thousands of scientists and more than 900,000 EU citizens.
It’s nothing new that lies and myths catch on better than facts and complicated connections. But it is news that they come from Members of Parliament who place themselves in the middle of society. And this is what makes it particularly dangerous: it is already sad enough that the EPP is trying to kill off such a central law to deal with the nature and climate crisis. On top of that, they are stirring up widespread mistrust in democracy and the European institutions with a “them at the top” narrative – and all of that shortly before a European election in which the right-wing parties in Europe are digging in their heels.
But there is still hope. The last word has not yet been spoken. The NRL can still be a success. For by no means all EPP deputies stand behind the anti-NRL course of their group. This became clear during the last vote in the Environment Committee: In order to ensure that the “group line” was strictly adhered to, the EPP had replaced one-third of the members with “nature conservation skeptics” – this was the accusation of the Environment Committee Chairman Pascal Canfin.
Nevertheless, the EPP could not prevent the NRL in the Environment Committee. And in the vote in the Environment Council, the EU environment ministers clearly backed the law. Experience shows that the Parliament is much more progressive than the Council. This shows once again the political imbalance we currently find ourselves in – and that there is still considerable political room for maneuver.
This is also important because the law is far from perfect. Even the Commission’s proposal – which has since been watered down – showed clear gaps: for example, only about one percent of all rivers in Europe are to be renaturalized – against the backdrop of countless floods and the looming next Oder disaster, this goal seems almost absurd.
Of the one-third of original European peatlands in agroecosystems that should be restored, only a quarter are to be rewetted – i.e. a total of around eight percent of the former peatland areas. This is vanishingly small, considering the potential that intact peatlands can have in terms of climate protection. And last but not least, the lack of a link between marine protection and fisheries policy could mean that the goals here also come to nothing.
One thing is clear: The NRL not only has to get across the finish line, it also needs ambition and effectiveness. Now it’s up to the Members of Parliament to decide freely and only according to their conscience in the upcoming plenary vote. With their vote, they can still avert the impending catastrophe foreshadowed by the dystopian “Don’t Look Up!” and finally make the restoration of our forests, peatlands and oceans a reality. Let’s do it.
The meeting place was not chosen at random: The heads of state and government of the 31 NATO states are meeting today in Vilnius, where the military alliance’s two-day summit begins at noon. The border of Belarus is close by, but it is also not far from the so-called Suwalki Gap. This is the point with the Russian enclave of Kaliningrad, where the alliance is particularly vulnerable. A sign of solidarity and determination should go out from Vilnius in the direction of Moscow.
Until the last moment, it seemed that Recep Tayyip Erdoğan wanted to disrupt the choreography. Then on Monday evening, reassurance came in Vilnius. There, on the initiative of NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg, the Turkish President met with Swedish Prime Minister Ulf Kristersson before the start of the summit. Erdoğan subsequently lifted the blockade on Sweden’s accession and expressed readiness to submit the ratification protocol to the Turkish parliament. Stoltenberg wrote on Twitter about a “historic step” that would make the allies stronger and safer.
The NATO summit is supposed to focus on support for Ukraine. However, President Volodymyr Zelenskiy cannot hope for a quick NATO accession in Vilnius. US President Joe Biden has suggested a security partnership based on the Israel model as an interim solution. Skeptics point out, however, that this would be very expensive for the allies and that Israel has nuclear weapons as a deterrent.
Speaking of deterrence: In Vilnius, the allies also want to adopt their new defense concept (“New Force Model”). It provides for a return to territorial defense. Up to 300,000 soldiers are to be ready for deployment throughout the alliance’s territory within a maximum of 30 days. But more exercises, more presence and more air defense capacity will also increase costs. In Vilnius, the NATO states therefore want to commit themselves to spending at least two percent of their economic output on defense.
We will keep you updated on Vilnius.
200 meters below sea level begins the deep sea, the largest ecosystem on the planet and the habitat of millions of species. Many of them have not yet been discovered. Other treasures are stored in rocks, crusts and nodules at depths of 2,000 to 6,000 meters: Manganese, iron and metals such as cobalt, nickel and copper – raw materials that the EU Commission classifies as strategically important for digitization, the energy and mobility revolution, and for greater independence from imports from countries such as China.
Since Sunday, the International Seabed Authority (ISA) in Kingston, Jamaica, has again been negotiating the possible mining of these raw materials in the deep sea. In 2021, the Pacific island nation of Nauru, which together with Canada’s The Metals Company (TMC) wants to apply for the world’s first license to mine manganese nodules, triggered the so-called two-year clause of the international law of the sea. Accordingly, the ISA had to submit a set of rules within two years. This deadline has now expired, but regulation is not expected this year.
The Assembly of ISA members – 167 states plus the EU – could now theoretically implement a moratorium on deep-sea mining, which would apply until the rules are established. This is what a group led by France and Chile, for example, is proposing. France is calling for a complete ban on deep-sea mining; the Assemblée Nationale voted earlier this year for a ban in French waters.
The German government has been seeking a “precautionary pause” since last year. “Deep-sea mining would further pollute the oceans and irretrievably destroy ecosystems”, said German Environment Minister Steffi Lemke. “Therefore, as a first step, we are promoting a pause and no hasty decisions at the expense of the marine environment.” Germany supports further exploration of the deep sea, but will not support any applications for commercial mining of raw materials until further notice, said Franziska Brantner, parliamentary state secretary at the Federal Ministry for Economic Affairs.
This is also in line with the EU’s position: The Commission had advocated a precautionary pause in its 2021 Agenda for International Maritime Policy. The EU would advocate a ban on deep-sea mining until the scientific gaps had been closed, harmful effects had been ruled out and the ISA had developed rules for effective protection of the marine environment. The EU Parliament had also called for this, including in its own-initiative report for the EU raw materials strategy.
More and more member states are joining this position, most recently Ireland and Sweden. However, not all states are of the same mind: The Norwegian government announced at the end of June that it would open up an area in national waters for mining activities and develop a strategy for deep-sea mining. Whether the deposits of massive sulfides there, which contain rare earths, for example, will prove profitable and can be mined sustainably remains to be seen.
However, Norway hopes to develop a new industry beyond the oil and gas industry and become a “world leader” in sustainable and responsible management of seabed resources. The proposal must first be voted on by the Norwegian parliament.
In view of the forecasts for the massive increase in global demand for raw materials for the energy and mobility transition, the treasures on the seabed also appear promising for other countries. Following a test to excavate a cobalt-rich crust on the seabed in 2020, the Japanese raw materials agency JOGMEC said the area studied in the Japanese deep-sea contained enough cobalt to meet Japan’s needs for 88 years – and enough nickel to meet demand for twelve years.
The ISA has already established rules for the exploration of raw material deposits in international deep-sea waters. The world’s largest deposits of manganese nodules are being explored in the Clarion-Clipperton Zone, an area of nine million square kilometers in the Pacific Ocean between Hawaii and Mexico, roughly equivalent to the area of Europe. There, the ISA has so far granted 17 exploration licenses, including to Germany, France, Belgium, Japan, Russia, China and an Eastern European consortium.
In addition to manganese, which is mainly used in steel production, manganese nodules contain metals that are used for batteries – copper, nickel and cobalt. However, a study by the German “Öko-Institut” recently concluded that deep-sea raw materials are not essential for the energy transition.
The German Federal Institute for Geosciences and Natural Resources (BGR) has been commissioned by the German government to carry out exploration in two license areas: since 2006 in a sector covering approximately 75,000 square kilometers in the Clarion-Clipperton zone, and also since 2015 in the Indian Ocean, where the possible mining of massive sulfides is being explored. On the one hand, exploration is about examining the nature and distribution of the raw materials relevant to mining. 80 percent of the money available to the BGR for manganese nodule exploration is now invested in researching the ecosystems that would be affected by mining, says Annemiek Vink, a marine biologist at the BGR.
The argument that the deep sea has not yet been sufficiently researched is not exactly correct, says Vink. “Researchers have been studying the deep sea for thirty to forty years, and there are tens of thousands of publications, including many hundreds on deep-sea mining and its potential environmental impacts.” The Clarion-Clipperton zone is the best-researched deep-sea zone in the world. The problem is the enormous complexity of the ecosystems. “The more we study, the more we find out how complex and heterogeneous the species population is.”
It is not yet possible to say what effects it would have in individual regions of the huge potential mining area if the manganese nodules were irretrievably removed from the ecosystem. Two years ago, researchers in the German license area already tested a collector that “harvests” the manganese nodules on the seabed. Now it’s necessary to see how the area recovers, Vink says. “These are questions that take time.” However, studies such as the German-funded DISCOL project in the southeast Pacific near Peru show that ecosystems have not recovered even decades after manganese nodules were mined.
With the ISA negotiations in Jamaica continuing until July 21, one question now takes center stage: How does the agency handle potential mining applications until binding rules are in place? To be sure, Nauru has already declared that it will hold off on its application for commercial resource extraction. However, since the deadline has expired, applications from other countries can theoretically be received by the ISA as of now.
In this context, environmentalists also criticize the negotiations on the EU Critical Raw Materials Act. The mandate negotiated by the Council of the EU does not include the necessary environmental and social safeguards, the Environmental Justice Foundation informs. “This could open the back door for the extraction and processing of critical raw materials extracted from the deep sea by EU countries or their importation into the EU”, the NGO warns.
July 12, 2023; 12-1 p.m., online
ECFR, Presentation China and Ukraine: The Chinese debate about Russia’s war and its meaning for the world
The European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR) will present the findings of their recent report “China and Ukraine: The Chinese Debate about Russia’s War and its Meaning for the World”, and discuss what lessons Europe can learn from China’s relationship with Russia. INFO & REGISTRATION
July 13-14, 2023; Ispra (Italy)/online
JRC, Seminar JRC Summer School on Sustainable Finance
This summer school, hosted by the Joint Research Centre (JRC) of the European Commission, brings together researchers, practitioners, and policymakers to discuss recent developments and innovations in the field of sustainable finance. INFO & REGISTRATION
July 13, 2023; 10 a.m.-12 p.m., Brussels (Belgium)/online
Interreg Europe, Roundtable Stakeholder consultation on the future of cohesion policy post-2027
The co-rapporteurs of the European Committee of the Regions, who are drafting an opinion on the future of cohesion policy, intend to meet representatives of local and regional authorities and other relevant stakeholders for a consultation and exchange of views. INFO & REGISTRATION
Trucks that emit no greenhouse gases and trucks in intermodal use are to be allowed to transport heavier loads in the future. Since the technology used in battery-electric commercial vehicles is particularly heavy, a 40-ton zero-emission vehicle, for example, is to have a permissible gross weight of 41 tons in the future. Under certain conditions, the permitted total weight of zero-emission vehicles is even to be increased by four tons. This is the proposal of the Commission for Weights and Measures in Freight Transport, which is to be decided today and is available to Table.Media.
The Commission also wants to harmonize approval procedures for trucks with particularly high loads and long dimensions (“gigaliners”). The measures are intended to increase the share of transport by zero-emission vehicles to 90 percent by 2050. Zero-emission vehicles are battery-powered trucks, trucks with fuel cells and trucks with hydrogen combustion engines.
Intermodal transport is understood to mean that goods are transported by at least two modes of transport. The aim is therefore to push back the dominance of road transport and increase the share of transport by rail and ship. With the directive, the Commission wants to achieve a paradigm shift from freight transport by road to intermodal transport. In 2030, intermodal freight transport is expected to account for 21 billion ton-kilometers. By 2050, the figure should be 26 billion ton-kilometers. mgr
The EU Commission has significantly weakened the reporting requirements under the regulation on subsidies from third countries. This was the authority’s response to criticism from industry and member states. The new rules for subsidy control are aimed primarily at companies from countries such as China, but apply equally to European companies operating outside the EU.
The German government and industry welcomed the improvements: The Commission had “essentially accepted” the German amendment proposals, a spokesman for the German Federal Ministry of Economic Affairs and Climate Protection said in response to a question. The instrument is sufficiently flexible to address cases of significant subsidies that distort competition. The reporting of financial contributions would thus become “more manageable, even if extensive reporting requirements remain in place”, said Ulrike Suchsland, legal expert at the BDI.
The Foreign Subsidies Regulation (FSR) was adopted by the Council and the European Parliament in a fast-track procedure a year ago. The regulation stipulates that companies must notify the Commission of planned company mergers and public contracts if they receive substantial financial contributions from third countries in return. This applies to:
In February, the Commission presented its first draft of the implementing regulation, which sets out in detail what information companies must provide. However, the German government and industry criticized the draft for imposing excessive bureaucracy on multinational companies. As a result, they “went back to the drawing board”, according to the Commission.
In fact, the agency sharply narrowed the reporting requirements in the executive order submitted yesterday:
The new reporting requirements will take effect from Oct. 12. At that time, the Commission is still likely to receive a large number of reports. These are to be processed by a task force of the Directorates-General for Competition and the Internal Market. The Commission does not want to say how many posts have been earmarked for this purpose: However, it will “ensure that the necessary resources are available”, is all that is said in the authority. tho
The Polish government is linking its approval of a revised EU financial plan to the release of funds from the Corona reconstruction program. Unanimity in the Council is needed for the revision of the Multiannual Financial Framework (MFF), Polish representative Andrzej Sadoś said yesterday at the General Council in Brussels. “And in this context, Poland recalls that it does not have access to EU funds to finance the national reconstruction plan.” Therefore, Warsaw could not support a decision at this stage.
Poland is entitled to €24 billion in grants and €11.5 billion in loans from the Corona Reconstruction and Resilience Facility. However, the EU Commission is withholding the funds as long as the national conservative government does not reverse parts of its judicial reform. There is no agreement in sight: Just last week, the Commission criticized considerable shortcomings in Poland in its report on the rule of law.
Hungary could also block the revision of the MFF. Yesterday, Justice Minister Judit Varga recalled that Budapest, too, has so far received “not a penny” from the reconstruction program and demanded more information on the planned financial package for Ukraine. But negotiations on the MFF are still at an early stage, she explained, saying that in the past Hungary has always taken responsibility on issues with unanimity.
In mid-June, the Commission proposed a mid-term review of the MFF, which runs from 2021 to 2027. The authority is calling for an additional €66 billion. The money is needed for financial aid to Ukraine, to cope with migration and for the new STEP platform to promote key technologies. Added to this are increased administrative costs in the wake of inflation and higher interest costs for the reconstruction and resilience facility. Budget Commissioner Johannes Hahn yesterday defended the additional demands as “minimally invasive”.
Apart from the Ukraine aid, however, the proposal meets with little approval in the Council. The tight budgetary situation in all member states must also be reflected in clear priorities in the EU budget, said German Minister of State for Europe Anna Lührmann (Greens). Therefore, she said, further proposals for reallocations within the budget are needed. Austrian Europe Minister Karoline Edtstadler stressed that her government had “great reservations” about the proposal. Moreover, there was no time pressure for the MFF revision.
Her compatriot Hahn disagreed: So far, Ukraine’s aid for next year is not reflected in the budget, so time is very much pressing. Referring to calls by several net contributors to reallocate funds from other EU pots, such as the Cohesion Fund, Hahn countered: “I’m not aware that any cohesion country has already offered to cede part of its funds.” tho
Data can flow freely across the Atlantic again. The Commission adopted the new EU-US Data Privacy Framework on Monday. The decision stipulates that the US will ensure an adequate level of protection – comparable to that of the EU – for personal data.
The decision became necessary after the European Court of Justice declared the existing Privacy Shield invalid in 2020. The ruling is known as Schrems II, because it was the second time that lawyer and data protection activist Max Schrems took action against the legal basis for transatlantic data traffic. The data protection framework regulates both the transfer of data by companies and the access of state bodies such as intelligence services to personal data from the EU.
Justice Commissioner Didier Reynders is confident that the new regulation has allayed all concerns of European judges. Access to data is limited to what is necessary and proportionate to protect national security, Reynders said. He referred to the decree issued by US President Joe Biden in October 2022. This echoes the ECJ’s criticisms, he said. An independent and impartial appeals process should also allow individuals to have complaints investigated.
Max Schrems is not convinced. The Commission’s third attempt to reach a stable agreement with the US will also end up before the ECJ in a few months. The new data protection agreement, he says, is largely a copy of the failed Privacy Shield. Among other things, Schrems’ criticism refers to the word “proportionate“, which would be assessed differently by the US than by judges of the ECJ.
Schrems said there has been “no substantive change in US surveillance law“, but it is necessary. “The mere assertion that something is ‘new’, ‘robust’ or ‘effective’ is not sufficient before the Court”, Schrems said. Both Reynders and digital association Bitkom expect the new data protection framework to be subject to judicial review.
First, however, Bitkom welcomed the end of the “three-year stalemate”. This gives companies legal certainty again. Small and medium-sized companies in particular will benefit from this, said Bitkom President Ralf Wintergerst. He pointed out that data transfers are a central part of the global economy. Often, the prevention or even obstruction of data transfers “poses just as serious a challenge to German and European companies as the disruption of supply chains“. vis
Dutch Prime Minister Mark Rutte plans to retire from politics after breaking with the government. For politics in the country, the 56-year-old’s departure means a new beginning after 13 years in power. Rutte had repeatedly succeeded in bringing together the polarized party landscape.
On Friday, the coalition of Rutte’s right-wing liberal VVD, the left-liberal D66, the Christian Democrats and the Calvinist Christian Union collapsed after a year and a half. Rutte terminated it because there was no agreement on family reunification for refugees with subsidiary protection. The group of people involved is very manageable.
But the Prime Minister said at the start of a parliamentary debate yesterday that it was a personal decision, independent of the current situation. “This debate must be about our country.”
Rutte had led his VVD party for 17 years. Without him, the VVD is likely to be significantly less dominant than in previous years. Many voters chose the party because of his experience and leadership. Observers expect that the VVD will now turn away somewhat from Rutte’s centrist course and adopt a more right-wing liberal stance.
It is not clear which political force will benefit from the government’s failure. A swing to the right by the VVD would give other parties more breathing room. The Christian Democrats, however, have shrunk considerably and have no candidate after the previous Foreign Minister, Wopke Hoekstra, also announced his retirement. The left-liberal D66 is also in a leadership crisis.
Other parties on the political left therefore probably have better chances if they actually manage to agree on a joint election list. This might even open a door for EU Commission Vice-President Frans Timmermans, say observers.
His Social Democrats (Partij van de Arbeid) had fallen into political insignificance in the last elections, but now want to form a joint list with the Greens in all upcoming elections. They are currently asking for grassroots approval for this in a membership survey. For Timmermans, this could provide an opportunity, for example by becoming the top candidate on the joint list. However, the urbane Timmermans is seen by many voters as aloof.
The farmers’ and citizens’ movement BBB, which surprisingly became the strongest force in the regional elections, is also likely to play a strong role in the national elections. However, its founder Caroline van der Plas said in an interview that she was not available for the post of Prime Minister. mgr/tho
The German government is lobbying at EU level against a general ban on new gas and oil-fired heating systems from 2029. “Germany cannot support a regulation for conventional space heaters and boilers that does not allow exceptions in certain situations”, the German government writes in its response to a consultation by the EU Commission on new ecodesign regulations.
The German government’s June statement, which is available to Table.Media, refers to a planned rule under which the EU Commission intends to permit only the installation of gas and oil heating systems that achieve an energy efficiency of at least 115 percent from September 2029. This would not be possible for purely conventional boilers, so the rule would amount to a ban. However, according to the “Öko-Institut”, efficiency could be increased, for example, by combining it with a heat pump or solar thermal system.
With regard to the exemptions it is seeking, the German government refers to those it has also planned in the Building Energy Act, for example for cases of hardship or the planned connection to a hydrogen network. The German government is also asking the Commission to examine whether manufacturers of gas and oil heating systems should have to meet the efficiency requirement “only for a portion of their delivered products for a certain period of time”.
With the efficiency regulations, the Commission would also make heating with hydrogen impossible. In its statement, the German government now asks the Commission to investigate whether the suitability of gas boilers for hydrogen can be regulated at the EU level: “Is it possible to ensure the hydrogen compatibility of boilers through ecodesign, i.e., to require that new boiler models can be operated with mixtures of 0 percent to 100 percent hydrogen?” According to the federal government, hydrogen quotas could apply to new heating models from September 2025, for example, and to all gas boilers sold from September 2029. ber
On Monday, the Aurelia Foundation, which works to protect bees, announced a lawsuit in European courts against the extension of the approval of the controversial herbicide glyphosate. Previously, the German Environmental Aid (DUH) had already announced a lawsuit against the approval of the glyphosate product Roundup Powerflex for July – with “expert support from Foodwatch”, as the DUH writes.
The background to this is that the European Food Safety Authority (EFSA) classified glyphosate as safe on Thursday. The approval extension still has to be decided by the EU Commission and the member states, and German Minister for Agriculture Cem Özdemir has already announced his veto.
The EU Commission recently confirmed in principle the right of the Aurelia Foundation to conduct a pesticide legal review. Health Commissioner Stella Kyriakides confirmed this in a letter. Previously, this had not been possible because the relevant EU Regulation 1367/2006 was not adapted to the Aarhus Convention, which is binding under international law, until 2021.
The Aurelia Foundation’s lawsuit is therefore breaking new legal ground in the EU. Aurelia board member Thomas Radetzki justifies his intention to sue by claiming that glyphosate harms not only weeds but also bees and other pollinators. DUH’s national director Jürgen Resch refers to research opinions that EFSA has not taken into account: “The new assessment of the European Food Safety Authority on glyphosate contradicts the assessment by the World Health Organization and numerous scientific studies.” ab
The EU states and the EU Commission are not doing enough for healthy soils in the eyes of the European Court of Auditors. They have not made sufficient use of funds and legislative options, the auditors announced on Monday. For example, the Court of Auditors estimates that about €85 billion were allocated to improving soil health under the Common Agricultural Policy between 2014 and 2020. Requirements to access such farm money and reduce soil stress did not go far enough, they said.
The majority of soils in Europe are in poor condition, according to an analysis by the Court of Auditors. Areas with urgent problems have also received only a small portion of the rural development funding pot, which was intended to support the voluntary application of environmentally friendly management methods. The EU countries examined for the report were Germany, Ireland, Spain, France and the Netherlands.
The poor condition of the approximately 60 to 70 percent of soils affected is due in part to improper soil management and manure management practices. Excessive fertilization in agriculture negatively affects water quality and the diversity of plants and animals. The poor condition should alarm the EU and spur action to improve soil quality, the report said.
The auditors also stressed how important soils are for future generations. They provide nutrients, water and oxygen and offer plants a basis for growth. dpa
Have you seen the movie “Don’t Look Up!”? The Netflix production is about two scientists who constantly warn of the approaching impact of an asteroid – and are simply not taken seriously before all life on Earth is wiped out. Now you may think whatever you want about Netflix, but the movie was oddly relatable – the current threat does not come from a rock from outer space, but from the supposedly creeping, but inevitably noticeable nature and climate crisis. The plot of “Don’t Look Up!” is frighteningly close to what we can observe in the discussion about the Nature Restoration Law (NRL).
The EU law is supposed to oblige all member states to restore degraded ecosystems in their countries. A project that is essential for survival, considering the rapid loss of our species and ecosystems and the fatal effects and future threats to the basis of all our lives. However, the European People’s Party (EPP) has massively attacked the law in recent weeks – and is not afraid to make false statements to support its cause.
The numerous EPP myths about expropriation, threats to food security, collapse of the European economy, etc. have long been debunked – including by the Lithuanian EU Commissioner for Environment, Oceans and Fisheries, Virginijus Sinkevičius. The expansion of renewable energies and the NRL are not contradictory, but go hand in hand, say energy companies such as Wind Europe and Solar Power Europe.
The NRL secures our economic base, say more than 60 of Europe’s largest consumer, financial and energy companies – including Nestlé, Unilever and Ikea. And more than 70 EU farmers and agricultural organizations stress the importance of the NRL in safeguarding food production. In addition, there is broad support from thousands of scientists and more than 900,000 EU citizens.
It’s nothing new that lies and myths catch on better than facts and complicated connections. But it is news that they come from Members of Parliament who place themselves in the middle of society. And this is what makes it particularly dangerous: it is already sad enough that the EPP is trying to kill off such a central law to deal with the nature and climate crisis. On top of that, they are stirring up widespread mistrust in democracy and the European institutions with a “them at the top” narrative – and all of that shortly before a European election in which the right-wing parties in Europe are digging in their heels.
But there is still hope. The last word has not yet been spoken. The NRL can still be a success. For by no means all EPP deputies stand behind the anti-NRL course of their group. This became clear during the last vote in the Environment Committee: In order to ensure that the “group line” was strictly adhered to, the EPP had replaced one-third of the members with “nature conservation skeptics” – this was the accusation of the Environment Committee Chairman Pascal Canfin.
Nevertheless, the EPP could not prevent the NRL in the Environment Committee. And in the vote in the Environment Council, the EU environment ministers clearly backed the law. Experience shows that the Parliament is much more progressive than the Council. This shows once again the political imbalance we currently find ourselves in – and that there is still considerable political room for maneuver.
This is also important because the law is far from perfect. Even the Commission’s proposal – which has since been watered down – showed clear gaps: for example, only about one percent of all rivers in Europe are to be renaturalized – against the backdrop of countless floods and the looming next Oder disaster, this goal seems almost absurd.
Of the one-third of original European peatlands in agroecosystems that should be restored, only a quarter are to be rewetted – i.e. a total of around eight percent of the former peatland areas. This is vanishingly small, considering the potential that intact peatlands can have in terms of climate protection. And last but not least, the lack of a link between marine protection and fisheries policy could mean that the goals here also come to nothing.
One thing is clear: The NRL not only has to get across the finish line, it also needs ambition and effectiveness. Now it’s up to the Members of Parliament to decide freely and only according to their conscience in the upcoming plenary vote. With their vote, they can still avert the impending catastrophe foreshadowed by the dystopian “Don’t Look Up!” and finally make the restoration of our forests, peatlands and oceans a reality. Let’s do it.