On Friday, the EU member states will vote on the future of glyphosate in the Standing Committee on Plants, Animals, Food, and Feed (SCoPAFF). The proposal from the EU Commission to extend the controversial herbicide’s approval for another ten years is on the table. A preliminary vote is expected within the committee on this Thursday, initiating further negotiations.
However, it is likely that there won’t be a qualified majority either in favor of or against the EU Commission’s proposal. Consequently, the EU Commission would need to conduct a vote in the Appeals Committee in the coming weeks, also known as the Appeal Committee. If a majority for or against the proposal is not achieved there either, the Commission can decide on a reapproval independently.
Shortly before the vote in SCoPAFF, it’s worth looking to Paris and Berlin. The traffic-light coalition has agreed in its coalition agreement to “remove glyphosate from the market by the end of 2023”. The German Federal Ministry of Agriculture reiterated on Wednesday: “Germany will not approve an extension of glyphosate authorization.” However, it’s unclear whether the German government will take a stance because the FDP has publicly expressed support for reauthorizing the substance. If there is no agreement within the traffic-light coalition, Germany would have to abstain.
In France, many signs point to abstention as well. While the French Minister of Agriculture, Marc Fesneau, is considered “pro-glyphosate”, domestically, the French government is under pressure. This week, it was revealed that a French family, whose son was born with a malformation, is being compensated financially by the fonds d’indemnisation des victimes de pesticides (FIVP).
Currently, it is likely that Germany, Austria, Luxembourg, Belgium, the Netherlands and Bulgaria will not approve the current Commission proposal or will abstain. If France also abstains, there will be no qualified majority for the Commission’s proposal.
The once-dry topic of bureaucracy and its reduction has become a political issue, as acknowledged by Ursula von der Leyen. The challenge, she stated in her State of the EU address, is to “facilitate the activities of European companies”. Next week, the Commission will outline where it aims to relieve businesses of unnecessary reporting obligations.
European lawmakers and business representatives are pressing for tangible proposals. “The Commission President has made many promises about bureaucracy reduction but delivered little,” says Markus Ferber, the economic policy spokesperson for the EPP Group. He insists the Commission must quickly present something concrete.
In the spring, von der Leyen announced her intention to reduce reporting requirements by 25 percent. Business associations had expected more specifics when the Commission presented its SME package in mid-September. However, von der Leyen only announced that the first legislative proposals would be presented in October. Companies have high expectations, says Benedikt Baykal, Head of Department at the German Chambers of Industry and Commerce (DIHK): “They expect concrete proposals now, not further announcements.”
It seems the message has been received. Next Tuesday, the Commission plans to present its work program for the coming months, which will include a “very long annex with individual proposals.” The Commission aims to simplify reporting requirements related to the Taxonomy Regulation, the Industrial Emissions Directive and the procedure for posting workers.
Von der Leyen clearly intends to take the initiative and shift responsibility back to the member states. Particularly in response to loud complaints from companies about stifling bureaucracy, governments in Berlin and Paris are keen to direct the blame towards Brussels. They are now calling for an action plan from the Commission.
During their joint cabinet retreat in Hamburg, the two governments agreed on proposals to ease bureaucratic obligations imposed by EU law. They are specifying an initiative that was outlined at the end of August. “Germany and France are jointly advocating a package of measures to simplify and make EU regulations more efficient, especially for small and medium-sized enterprises,” said German Minister for Economic Affairs Robert Habeck.
According to German Justice Minister Marco Buschmann, EU law accounted for an average of around 57 percent of the compliance effort resulting from new legislative provisions in Germany in recent years. According to his ministry, this figure is based on calculations by the Council for Regulatory Control (NKR) as part of the “One in, One out” bureaucracy brake at the federal level. The “one in, one out” principle stipulates that new laws should be accompanied by corresponding relief elsewhere.
Buschmann recently criticized the Commission at a DIHK event, saying that they don’t systematically measure the compliance burden they create: “But if the compliance costs produced by the European legislator are not systematically measured, then ‘one in, one out’ remains just empty words.” Therefore, Berlin and Paris are calling for an EU-level bureaucracy cost index, similar to the German model, to track cost development over time.
The Commission quantified implementation costs in its Annual Burden Survey, released in September. According to the Commission, compliance costs decreased by €7.3 billion in 2022 as part of the newly introduced “one in, one out” principle.
However, the German government and business sector are not convinced by the calculations. It appears that the Commission proceeded as follows, according to Buschmann: “Everything that provided relief was included in the sample, while everything that increased costs was not.” For example, the cost of implementing the proposed due diligence in Supply Chains Act was listed as zero, even though it could potentially amount to up to €10 billion.
The Commission justifies this by stating that reporting obligations are not part of the Supply Chain Due Diligence Act itself but of the Corporate Sustainability Reporting Directive (CSRD). The associated costs will be taken into account later when calculating the “one in, one out” principle. However, DIHK expert Sandra Zwick also calls for more comprehensible numbers in the Annual Burden Survey: “It’s difficult to understand how the Commission arrived at its calculations.”
The DIHK also sees further room for improvement in EU bureaucracy. For example, it questions whether the Commission’s impact assessments of its legislative proposals truly capture the full compliance burden. “Unclear legal terms in legislative texts generate high costs for legal advice in companies,” says DIHK expert Baykal.
Experts also call on the Commission to consistently use existing tools when developing legislative proposals. In practice, the SME test has had limited impact. Therefore, it makes sense to complement it with additional tools, such as a competitiveness check. Baykal calls on the Commission to also consider the consequences of negative results from internal tests: “The Commission should not simply disregard the objections of the Regulatory Scrutiny Board, as occurred with the Due Diligence Act.”
The timing couldn’t have been better. Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelenskiy unexpectedly attended the meeting of NATO defense ministers on Wednesday. After the escalation between Israel and Hamas, questions arose about whether the new focus on the Middle East could come at the expense of Western support for Ukraine. The gathering at the outset of the two-day meeting was visibly committed to dispelling these concerns.
“We can do both, and we will do both,” said US Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin in response to a question. As a strong nation and world power, the United States is capable of doing so. Austin was not the only one who came to Brussels with new commitments for assistance, in what is called the Ramstein format. Lloyd Austin mentioned a package worth $200 million, including more air defense and ammunition.
Zelensky emphasized that Ukraine is now preparing for the winter, and the support of NATO countries is indispensable. Ukraine’s President drew an explicit parallel between Vladimir Putin and the terrorist organization Hamas: “We know what terror is.” Being united and showing solidarity is important.
Adequate air defense is a crucial part of the answer regarding when the war will end and whether it will bring justice to Ukraine, Zelenskiy noted: “We must win this winter war against terror, and we can win it.” Before the meeting, the German government had also pledged a comprehensive package of air defense systems, additional Leopard tanks, and ammunition to Ukraine.
“We all know that Putin is evil and frustrated,” the US Defense Secretary depicted a picture of a Russian president on the defensive. Everyone expected Russia to attack cities again and destroy infrastructure in Ukraine. “We are here to ensure that Ukraine has what it needs to get through the winter,” Austin said. The allies are united, while Putin stands alone: “We all know what is at stake; it’s about the security of Europe.”
The United States, Denmark and the Netherlands plan to deliver the first F-16 fighter jets to Ukraine as a coalition by next spring. Sweden promised critical artillery ammunition, and Bulgaria intends to provide spare parts and missiles for the Soviet-made S-300 air defense system. France plans to deliver more mobile howitzers of the Caesar type and increase production. Canada pledged $500 million for armored vehicles over the next few years.
Today, on the second day of the defense ministers’ meeting, the suspected sabotage of the gas pipeline Baltic Connector and the telecom cable between Finland and Estonia could be discussed again. NATO member states have informed him about their current level of knowledge, Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg said on Wednesday.
Finnish authorities believe the infrastructure damage was deliberate. The alliance is prepared to assist with the investigations, the Secretary-General stated. It’s important now to clarify exactly what happened and under what circumstances. “If it turns out to be a deliberate attack on NATO critical infrastructure, this would, of course, be a serious matter.” The alliance will then respond collectively and resolutely.
Oct. 13, 2023; 7-8.30 p.m., Munich
FNF, Discussion Project Europe – Liberal perspectives for the future EU
The Friedrich Naumann Foundation (FNF) discusses how current challenges in Europe should be met and presents different perspectives for the future EU. INFO & REGISTRATION
Oct. 17-18, 2023; Brussels (Belgium)
EARPA, Conference The Future of Road Mobility Forum (FORM Forum) 2023
The European Automotive Research Partners Association (EARPA) brings together stakeholders from industry, academia and government to share knowledge and ideas regarding a new era of automotive solutions. INFO & REGISTRATION
Oct. 17, 2023; 2-3:30 p.m., Berlin/online
JDC, Presentation Increasing the supply of European Public Goods: why, what and how
The Jacques Delors Center (JDC) presents on European Public Goods as the new frontier of integration. INFO & REGISTRATION
Nov. 28-29, 2023; Bruges (Belgium)
FSR, Seminar REMIT and its implementation
The Florence School of Regulation (FSR) addresses the most relevant concepts at stake, the main obligations and prohibitions falling on market participants and other sector stakeholders, and the cooperation between the different players in market surveillance. REGISTRATION BY OCTOBER 15
The Aurelia Foundation has filed a lawsuit with the EU Court in Luxembourg against the EU Commission’s proposed extension of glyphosate authorization. The Commission is planning a ten-year renewal of the herbicide. This decision is set for a vote by a committee of Member States and the Commission on Friday. If the EU Court supports the Aurelia Foundation’s claim that the extension violates Union law, the Commission will have to overturn its decision. Hundreds of glyphosate-containing pesticide products throughout the EU would then have to be removed from the market.
The bee conservationists are entering uncharted legal territory with this lawsuit. In 2021, the EU aligned Union law with the legally binding Aarhus Convention. This allows environmental groups to challenge EU Commission authorization decisions for the first time. The EU approval of the glyphosate active ingredient expired at the end of 2022, and the Commission has provisionally extended it until the end of 2023.
The Aurelia Foundation had criticized the Commission for the delayed submission of the necessary documentation for the required re-evaluation by the glyphosate manufacturers. In July 2023, the EU Commission responded to the foundation, stating that it was committed to the extension without taking into account health and environmental concerns. The EU Commission stated that the existing data gaps were not the responsibility of the manufacturers and indicated that the glyphosate approval could be extended again if the approval process continued to drag on. ab
The Spanish presidency is making a significant move towards Germany and other member states in negotiations on electricity market reform. A new compromise proposal stipulates that countries should only offer state-supported fixed-price contracts for new power plants. Existing power plants, on the other hand, should not benefit from so-called difference contracts.
Spain hopes this move can help overcome the impasse in the Council, caused by differences of opinion between France and Germany. The proposal will be discussed by representatives of the member states on Friday. Energy ministers will attempt to solidify their common position at their meeting next Tuesday.
Berlin has warned of distortions in competition if France can use such difference contracts for its existing nuclear power plants and then use the revenue from these contracts to subsidize industry. French EU diplomats have reacted with irritation to the proposal. rtr
On Tuesday, EU institutions failed to reach a compromise on methane regulation. A comprehensive regulation covering methane emissions in extra-European production countries of natural gas, oil and coal could bring significant reductions in methane emissions. According to estimates by the Clean Air Task Force (CATF), an EU import standard for methane emissions could reduce one-third of global methane emissions from the oil and gas sector. CATF considers this a crucial step towards achieving the Global Methane Pledge by 2030, an initiative in which 150 countries have committed to reducing emissions by 30 percent compared to 2020.
A proposal by the EU Parliament for an EU regulation includes such an import standard. This would require oil and gas-producing countries to take measures to reduce methane emissions during the production and transportation of fossil resources. However, a proposal by the EU Commission does not include a strict import regulation. Nonetheless, the EU Council is open to “expanding controls to imports”, according to information from the Parliament.
According to CATF, an import standard would “reduce methane emissions 20 times more than a regulation that only covers domestic oil and gas production in the EU”. There is hope that the EU institutions will reach an agreement before COP28. Jutta Paulus, a driving force behind methane regulation, told Table.Media: “It is good that all negotiating partners have reaffirmed their desire to go to the new EU methane regulation at the climate conference in Dubai with an effective agreement.”
EU countries import over 80 percent of their gas and oil needs and are the world’s largest importers. Therefore, regulating importers and exporters would have far-reaching consequences. For instance, the EU Parliament demands:
The working-age population in the EU is expected to decrease by 57.4 million people by the year 2100. The EU Commission warns that demographic changes could have negative consequences for competitiveness, potentially lead to labor shortages and place financial burdens on public budgets. Some regions, such as Eastern and Central European countries, are likely to experience a significant decline in population. Other regions, including major cities in Germany, the Netherlands and Belgium, may expect population growth.
The European Council had called on the Commission in June to provide member states with a toolkit for addressing the consequences of demographic changes. The Commission has now approved a 26-page communication to this effect. “The toolkit aims to empower all generations,” said the responsible Vice-President, Dubravka Šuica. The goal is to activate the right mix of skills and talents to meet the needs of the labor market.
The toolkit targets four pillars: young people, older individuals, parents and migration. The instruments include EU laws like the Work-Life Balance Directive, financial instruments such as the European Social Fund (ESF) and the Recovery and Resilience Facility (RRF), the European minimum wage and the EU Strategy on the Rights of the Child. The toolkit includes both existing and planned new tools. The Commission calls on member states to develop and implement appropriate policy approaches, with the aim of managing demographic change and addressing concerns about population changes.
Member states’ demographic policies should pursue four objectives:
While the trilogue on the AI Act in Europe is progressing slowly, the Digital Ministers of the G7 countries have drafted guidelines for generative AI. Japan, which is responsible for the Hiroshima Artificial Intelligence Process of the G7, has not yet officially published the text, but the draft is already available to Contexte.
“Generative AI quickly creates new possibilities, but like-minded democracies must control the risks,” wrote EU Vice-President Věra Jourová on X. “Today, as G7, we took a big step forward.”
Once Japan presents the guidelines that the G7 Digital Ministers and the EU have agreed upon, the EU will initiate a short consultation process. Later this fall, Japan wants the government leaders to ratify the guidelines themselves.
In parallel, in line with the guidelines, there will be a voluntary commitment (Code of Conduct) at that time. Companies developing generative AI will be able to sign this commitment.
The eleven guidelines are much less specific than the AI Act currently being negotiated in trilogue by EU institutions. The EU is still the only jurisdiction that has made such significant progress on comprehensive legislation, even though the United States is also preparing something in this area. In Commission circles, the guidelines are seen as a good instrument to bridge the “legal vacuum” that will exist until the AI Act comes into force. vis
A few days after the parliamentary elections in Slovakia, the formation of the government is taking shape. The election winner, Robert Fico, who leads the center-left Smer party, along with the heads of the social democratic party Hlas, Peter Pellegrini, and the right-wing National Party SNS, Andrej Danko, signed a memorandum on Wednesday in Bratislava to form a joint coalition. Fico is expected to become the future Prime Minister. He has held this position three times before.
However, Fico is controversial due to his pro-Russian stance in the Ukraine conflict. He wants to stop military support for Kyiv and considers the EU’s sanctions against Putin to be wrong. “There are more important things for the Slovaks than this war; it is not our war,” he emphasized both during the election campaign and after his victory. Nevertheless, the coalition agreement is expected to include a passage stating that the future government will guarantee the Western orientation of the country based on EU and NATO membership, “taking into account Slovakia’s sovereignty and national interests”.
The way for the coalition was cleared by Hlas party leader Pellegrini, who rejected all efforts by liberal and conservative forces for a government without Fico. Hlas came in third place in the elections. The leader of the second-strongest Progressive Slovakia party, Michal Šimečka, even offered Pellegrini the position of prime minister.
Pellegrini left Fico’s Smer party in 2020. The two had a strong mutual aversion. Now, Pellegrini is effectively returning to Fico’s former mother party with Hlas. What this means for Pellegrini himself is still unclear. He had ruled out that both he and Fico, two former Prime Ministers, would be part of the same cabinet. Accordingly, Pellegrini could initially become the Speaker of Parliament and run for President of Slovakia in early 2024 with Fico’s support.
The newspapers in Slovakia that are consistently critical of Fico accused Pellegrini of “failing as kingmaker” on Wednesday. He had the opportunity to save the Slovaks from returning to the dark times with Fico and he missed it. Hans-Jörg Schmidt
On Friday, the EU member states will vote on the future of glyphosate in the Standing Committee on Plants, Animals, Food, and Feed (SCoPAFF). The proposal from the EU Commission to extend the controversial herbicide’s approval for another ten years is on the table. A preliminary vote is expected within the committee on this Thursday, initiating further negotiations.
However, it is likely that there won’t be a qualified majority either in favor of or against the EU Commission’s proposal. Consequently, the EU Commission would need to conduct a vote in the Appeals Committee in the coming weeks, also known as the Appeal Committee. If a majority for or against the proposal is not achieved there either, the Commission can decide on a reapproval independently.
Shortly before the vote in SCoPAFF, it’s worth looking to Paris and Berlin. The traffic-light coalition has agreed in its coalition agreement to “remove glyphosate from the market by the end of 2023”. The German Federal Ministry of Agriculture reiterated on Wednesday: “Germany will not approve an extension of glyphosate authorization.” However, it’s unclear whether the German government will take a stance because the FDP has publicly expressed support for reauthorizing the substance. If there is no agreement within the traffic-light coalition, Germany would have to abstain.
In France, many signs point to abstention as well. While the French Minister of Agriculture, Marc Fesneau, is considered “pro-glyphosate”, domestically, the French government is under pressure. This week, it was revealed that a French family, whose son was born with a malformation, is being compensated financially by the fonds d’indemnisation des victimes de pesticides (FIVP).
Currently, it is likely that Germany, Austria, Luxembourg, Belgium, the Netherlands and Bulgaria will not approve the current Commission proposal or will abstain. If France also abstains, there will be no qualified majority for the Commission’s proposal.
The once-dry topic of bureaucracy and its reduction has become a political issue, as acknowledged by Ursula von der Leyen. The challenge, she stated in her State of the EU address, is to “facilitate the activities of European companies”. Next week, the Commission will outline where it aims to relieve businesses of unnecessary reporting obligations.
European lawmakers and business representatives are pressing for tangible proposals. “The Commission President has made many promises about bureaucracy reduction but delivered little,” says Markus Ferber, the economic policy spokesperson for the EPP Group. He insists the Commission must quickly present something concrete.
In the spring, von der Leyen announced her intention to reduce reporting requirements by 25 percent. Business associations had expected more specifics when the Commission presented its SME package in mid-September. However, von der Leyen only announced that the first legislative proposals would be presented in October. Companies have high expectations, says Benedikt Baykal, Head of Department at the German Chambers of Industry and Commerce (DIHK): “They expect concrete proposals now, not further announcements.”
It seems the message has been received. Next Tuesday, the Commission plans to present its work program for the coming months, which will include a “very long annex with individual proposals.” The Commission aims to simplify reporting requirements related to the Taxonomy Regulation, the Industrial Emissions Directive and the procedure for posting workers.
Von der Leyen clearly intends to take the initiative and shift responsibility back to the member states. Particularly in response to loud complaints from companies about stifling bureaucracy, governments in Berlin and Paris are keen to direct the blame towards Brussels. They are now calling for an action plan from the Commission.
During their joint cabinet retreat in Hamburg, the two governments agreed on proposals to ease bureaucratic obligations imposed by EU law. They are specifying an initiative that was outlined at the end of August. “Germany and France are jointly advocating a package of measures to simplify and make EU regulations more efficient, especially for small and medium-sized enterprises,” said German Minister for Economic Affairs Robert Habeck.
According to German Justice Minister Marco Buschmann, EU law accounted for an average of around 57 percent of the compliance effort resulting from new legislative provisions in Germany in recent years. According to his ministry, this figure is based on calculations by the Council for Regulatory Control (NKR) as part of the “One in, One out” bureaucracy brake at the federal level. The “one in, one out” principle stipulates that new laws should be accompanied by corresponding relief elsewhere.
Buschmann recently criticized the Commission at a DIHK event, saying that they don’t systematically measure the compliance burden they create: “But if the compliance costs produced by the European legislator are not systematically measured, then ‘one in, one out’ remains just empty words.” Therefore, Berlin and Paris are calling for an EU-level bureaucracy cost index, similar to the German model, to track cost development over time.
The Commission quantified implementation costs in its Annual Burden Survey, released in September. According to the Commission, compliance costs decreased by €7.3 billion in 2022 as part of the newly introduced “one in, one out” principle.
However, the German government and business sector are not convinced by the calculations. It appears that the Commission proceeded as follows, according to Buschmann: “Everything that provided relief was included in the sample, while everything that increased costs was not.” For example, the cost of implementing the proposed due diligence in Supply Chains Act was listed as zero, even though it could potentially amount to up to €10 billion.
The Commission justifies this by stating that reporting obligations are not part of the Supply Chain Due Diligence Act itself but of the Corporate Sustainability Reporting Directive (CSRD). The associated costs will be taken into account later when calculating the “one in, one out” principle. However, DIHK expert Sandra Zwick also calls for more comprehensible numbers in the Annual Burden Survey: “It’s difficult to understand how the Commission arrived at its calculations.”
The DIHK also sees further room for improvement in EU bureaucracy. For example, it questions whether the Commission’s impact assessments of its legislative proposals truly capture the full compliance burden. “Unclear legal terms in legislative texts generate high costs for legal advice in companies,” says DIHK expert Baykal.
Experts also call on the Commission to consistently use existing tools when developing legislative proposals. In practice, the SME test has had limited impact. Therefore, it makes sense to complement it with additional tools, such as a competitiveness check. Baykal calls on the Commission to also consider the consequences of negative results from internal tests: “The Commission should not simply disregard the objections of the Regulatory Scrutiny Board, as occurred with the Due Diligence Act.”
The timing couldn’t have been better. Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelenskiy unexpectedly attended the meeting of NATO defense ministers on Wednesday. After the escalation between Israel and Hamas, questions arose about whether the new focus on the Middle East could come at the expense of Western support for Ukraine. The gathering at the outset of the two-day meeting was visibly committed to dispelling these concerns.
“We can do both, and we will do both,” said US Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin in response to a question. As a strong nation and world power, the United States is capable of doing so. Austin was not the only one who came to Brussels with new commitments for assistance, in what is called the Ramstein format. Lloyd Austin mentioned a package worth $200 million, including more air defense and ammunition.
Zelensky emphasized that Ukraine is now preparing for the winter, and the support of NATO countries is indispensable. Ukraine’s President drew an explicit parallel between Vladimir Putin and the terrorist organization Hamas: “We know what terror is.” Being united and showing solidarity is important.
Adequate air defense is a crucial part of the answer regarding when the war will end and whether it will bring justice to Ukraine, Zelenskiy noted: “We must win this winter war against terror, and we can win it.” Before the meeting, the German government had also pledged a comprehensive package of air defense systems, additional Leopard tanks, and ammunition to Ukraine.
“We all know that Putin is evil and frustrated,” the US Defense Secretary depicted a picture of a Russian president on the defensive. Everyone expected Russia to attack cities again and destroy infrastructure in Ukraine. “We are here to ensure that Ukraine has what it needs to get through the winter,” Austin said. The allies are united, while Putin stands alone: “We all know what is at stake; it’s about the security of Europe.”
The United States, Denmark and the Netherlands plan to deliver the first F-16 fighter jets to Ukraine as a coalition by next spring. Sweden promised critical artillery ammunition, and Bulgaria intends to provide spare parts and missiles for the Soviet-made S-300 air defense system. France plans to deliver more mobile howitzers of the Caesar type and increase production. Canada pledged $500 million for armored vehicles over the next few years.
Today, on the second day of the defense ministers’ meeting, the suspected sabotage of the gas pipeline Baltic Connector and the telecom cable between Finland and Estonia could be discussed again. NATO member states have informed him about their current level of knowledge, Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg said on Wednesday.
Finnish authorities believe the infrastructure damage was deliberate. The alliance is prepared to assist with the investigations, the Secretary-General stated. It’s important now to clarify exactly what happened and under what circumstances. “If it turns out to be a deliberate attack on NATO critical infrastructure, this would, of course, be a serious matter.” The alliance will then respond collectively and resolutely.
Oct. 13, 2023; 7-8.30 p.m., Munich
FNF, Discussion Project Europe – Liberal perspectives for the future EU
The Friedrich Naumann Foundation (FNF) discusses how current challenges in Europe should be met and presents different perspectives for the future EU. INFO & REGISTRATION
Oct. 17-18, 2023; Brussels (Belgium)
EARPA, Conference The Future of Road Mobility Forum (FORM Forum) 2023
The European Automotive Research Partners Association (EARPA) brings together stakeholders from industry, academia and government to share knowledge and ideas regarding a new era of automotive solutions. INFO & REGISTRATION
Oct. 17, 2023; 2-3:30 p.m., Berlin/online
JDC, Presentation Increasing the supply of European Public Goods: why, what and how
The Jacques Delors Center (JDC) presents on European Public Goods as the new frontier of integration. INFO & REGISTRATION
Nov. 28-29, 2023; Bruges (Belgium)
FSR, Seminar REMIT and its implementation
The Florence School of Regulation (FSR) addresses the most relevant concepts at stake, the main obligations and prohibitions falling on market participants and other sector stakeholders, and the cooperation between the different players in market surveillance. REGISTRATION BY OCTOBER 15
The Aurelia Foundation has filed a lawsuit with the EU Court in Luxembourg against the EU Commission’s proposed extension of glyphosate authorization. The Commission is planning a ten-year renewal of the herbicide. This decision is set for a vote by a committee of Member States and the Commission on Friday. If the EU Court supports the Aurelia Foundation’s claim that the extension violates Union law, the Commission will have to overturn its decision. Hundreds of glyphosate-containing pesticide products throughout the EU would then have to be removed from the market.
The bee conservationists are entering uncharted legal territory with this lawsuit. In 2021, the EU aligned Union law with the legally binding Aarhus Convention. This allows environmental groups to challenge EU Commission authorization decisions for the first time. The EU approval of the glyphosate active ingredient expired at the end of 2022, and the Commission has provisionally extended it until the end of 2023.
The Aurelia Foundation had criticized the Commission for the delayed submission of the necessary documentation for the required re-evaluation by the glyphosate manufacturers. In July 2023, the EU Commission responded to the foundation, stating that it was committed to the extension without taking into account health and environmental concerns. The EU Commission stated that the existing data gaps were not the responsibility of the manufacturers and indicated that the glyphosate approval could be extended again if the approval process continued to drag on. ab
The Spanish presidency is making a significant move towards Germany and other member states in negotiations on electricity market reform. A new compromise proposal stipulates that countries should only offer state-supported fixed-price contracts for new power plants. Existing power plants, on the other hand, should not benefit from so-called difference contracts.
Spain hopes this move can help overcome the impasse in the Council, caused by differences of opinion between France and Germany. The proposal will be discussed by representatives of the member states on Friday. Energy ministers will attempt to solidify their common position at their meeting next Tuesday.
Berlin has warned of distortions in competition if France can use such difference contracts for its existing nuclear power plants and then use the revenue from these contracts to subsidize industry. French EU diplomats have reacted with irritation to the proposal. rtr
On Tuesday, EU institutions failed to reach a compromise on methane regulation. A comprehensive regulation covering methane emissions in extra-European production countries of natural gas, oil and coal could bring significant reductions in methane emissions. According to estimates by the Clean Air Task Force (CATF), an EU import standard for methane emissions could reduce one-third of global methane emissions from the oil and gas sector. CATF considers this a crucial step towards achieving the Global Methane Pledge by 2030, an initiative in which 150 countries have committed to reducing emissions by 30 percent compared to 2020.
A proposal by the EU Parliament for an EU regulation includes such an import standard. This would require oil and gas-producing countries to take measures to reduce methane emissions during the production and transportation of fossil resources. However, a proposal by the EU Commission does not include a strict import regulation. Nonetheless, the EU Council is open to “expanding controls to imports”, according to information from the Parliament.
According to CATF, an import standard would “reduce methane emissions 20 times more than a regulation that only covers domestic oil and gas production in the EU”. There is hope that the EU institutions will reach an agreement before COP28. Jutta Paulus, a driving force behind methane regulation, told Table.Media: “It is good that all negotiating partners have reaffirmed their desire to go to the new EU methane regulation at the climate conference in Dubai with an effective agreement.”
EU countries import over 80 percent of their gas and oil needs and are the world’s largest importers. Therefore, regulating importers and exporters would have far-reaching consequences. For instance, the EU Parliament demands:
The working-age population in the EU is expected to decrease by 57.4 million people by the year 2100. The EU Commission warns that demographic changes could have negative consequences for competitiveness, potentially lead to labor shortages and place financial burdens on public budgets. Some regions, such as Eastern and Central European countries, are likely to experience a significant decline in population. Other regions, including major cities in Germany, the Netherlands and Belgium, may expect population growth.
The European Council had called on the Commission in June to provide member states with a toolkit for addressing the consequences of demographic changes. The Commission has now approved a 26-page communication to this effect. “The toolkit aims to empower all generations,” said the responsible Vice-President, Dubravka Šuica. The goal is to activate the right mix of skills and talents to meet the needs of the labor market.
The toolkit targets four pillars: young people, older individuals, parents and migration. The instruments include EU laws like the Work-Life Balance Directive, financial instruments such as the European Social Fund (ESF) and the Recovery and Resilience Facility (RRF), the European minimum wage and the EU Strategy on the Rights of the Child. The toolkit includes both existing and planned new tools. The Commission calls on member states to develop and implement appropriate policy approaches, with the aim of managing demographic change and addressing concerns about population changes.
Member states’ demographic policies should pursue four objectives:
While the trilogue on the AI Act in Europe is progressing slowly, the Digital Ministers of the G7 countries have drafted guidelines for generative AI. Japan, which is responsible for the Hiroshima Artificial Intelligence Process of the G7, has not yet officially published the text, but the draft is already available to Contexte.
“Generative AI quickly creates new possibilities, but like-minded democracies must control the risks,” wrote EU Vice-President Věra Jourová on X. “Today, as G7, we took a big step forward.”
Once Japan presents the guidelines that the G7 Digital Ministers and the EU have agreed upon, the EU will initiate a short consultation process. Later this fall, Japan wants the government leaders to ratify the guidelines themselves.
In parallel, in line with the guidelines, there will be a voluntary commitment (Code of Conduct) at that time. Companies developing generative AI will be able to sign this commitment.
The eleven guidelines are much less specific than the AI Act currently being negotiated in trilogue by EU institutions. The EU is still the only jurisdiction that has made such significant progress on comprehensive legislation, even though the United States is also preparing something in this area. In Commission circles, the guidelines are seen as a good instrument to bridge the “legal vacuum” that will exist until the AI Act comes into force. vis
A few days after the parliamentary elections in Slovakia, the formation of the government is taking shape. The election winner, Robert Fico, who leads the center-left Smer party, along with the heads of the social democratic party Hlas, Peter Pellegrini, and the right-wing National Party SNS, Andrej Danko, signed a memorandum on Wednesday in Bratislava to form a joint coalition. Fico is expected to become the future Prime Minister. He has held this position three times before.
However, Fico is controversial due to his pro-Russian stance in the Ukraine conflict. He wants to stop military support for Kyiv and considers the EU’s sanctions against Putin to be wrong. “There are more important things for the Slovaks than this war; it is not our war,” he emphasized both during the election campaign and after his victory. Nevertheless, the coalition agreement is expected to include a passage stating that the future government will guarantee the Western orientation of the country based on EU and NATO membership, “taking into account Slovakia’s sovereignty and national interests”.
The way for the coalition was cleared by Hlas party leader Pellegrini, who rejected all efforts by liberal and conservative forces for a government without Fico. Hlas came in third place in the elections. The leader of the second-strongest Progressive Slovakia party, Michal Šimečka, even offered Pellegrini the position of prime minister.
Pellegrini left Fico’s Smer party in 2020. The two had a strong mutual aversion. Now, Pellegrini is effectively returning to Fico’s former mother party with Hlas. What this means for Pellegrini himself is still unclear. He had ruled out that both he and Fico, two former Prime Ministers, would be part of the same cabinet. Accordingly, Pellegrini could initially become the Speaker of Parliament and run for President of Slovakia in early 2024 with Fico’s support.
The newspapers in Slovakia that are consistently critical of Fico accused Pellegrini of “failing as kingmaker” on Wednesday. He had the opportunity to save the Slovaks from returning to the dark times with Fico and he missed it. Hans-Jörg Schmidt