Michael Clauß has already represented the German government as EU ambassador in Brussels for six years, and now it has been decided that he will stay on for another year. The 62-year-old diplomat will remain in the post beyond the summer, as Table.Briefings has learned from Berlin government circles.
Such a long time in one place is unusual for a top diplomat. On the one hand, Clauß is valued by the federal government for his expertise and political tact. On the other hand, the extension spares the three coalition partners difficult negotiations as to who should succeed him.
With the Federal Foreign Office and the Federal Ministry for Economic Affairs and Climate Protection, the Greens already occupy the two offices responsible for issuing directives to the Permanent Representation in Brussels. Without the Chancellor’s Office, little is possible in European policy anyway. In recent months, the FDP-led ministries have often caused offense to the two coalition partners because they did not want to support their positions. This in turn meant that Clauß and his deputy Helen Winter often had to wait a long time for their instructions.
I wish you an entertaining day!
Your Till Hoppe
Feature
EU elections: What to expect from Agrifood in the new legislative period
A new EU Parliament will be elected at the beginning of June, and new appointments will also be made to the European Commission. As the outgoing Commission did with the Green Deal as its overarching concept, the new (or re-elected) staff will then set their own priorities. General trends can already be foreseen: Environmental and climate protection are likely to be less of a focus for the time being than after the last election in 2019. While green parties made record gains back then, the picture today is dominated by farmers’ protests and a projected strengthening of the centre-right to right wing.
Above all, if Ursula von der Leyen is re-elected as Commission President, the new Commission is also likely to focus its work on the final report of the Strategy Dialogue on Agriculture which is expected in late summer, and will continue to pursue the plans to ease the burden on farmers. Even if much more depends on the outcome of the elections and the distribution and allocation of posts: There are already indications of what will be on the agenda after the election.
Still on the to-do list
Clue 1: Unfulfilled projects from this legislative period. There are quite a few of them. In the Green Deal in particular, there is hardly any policy area where so little has been implemented as in agriculture and food. It is unlikely that dossiers that were already too sensitive for the outgoing Commission will be implemented one-to-one after the election. However, a lot of groundwork has been done in some areas. Even if political priorities shift, the new Commission could revisit some of the issues, especially as the associations concerned continue to call for action.
Food labeling: there should actually be new, EU-wide rules. The topic is complex and the work has not yet been completed, according to the Commission. The latter is probably being put off above all by the highly emotional debate surrounding the Europe-wide introduction of the Nutri-Score. The German hot topic of origin labeling was also supposed to be addressed here and remained unresolved.
Animal welfare package: The EU animal welfare framework is considered outdated and the Commission wanted to reform it comprehensively. Although the complex package was reportedly largely completed, only a proposal on animal transportation was made (see below). Husbandry, slaughter and animal welfare labels were left out, probably too sensitive ahead of the upcoming elections.
Sustainable Food Systems Act (SFS): The Commission had originally announced this as a “flagship” of the farm-to-fork strategy for fall 2023, but never presented it. Alongside the Labeling Act, it was planned as one of the projects for the “fork side”. But it remained elusive. While a voluntary sustainability label and measures for public procurement were still on the table at the beginning of 2023, there was more talk of food security later on.
Special case:
Pesticides Regulation (SUR): The controversial regulation had already been launched, but the Commission withdrew it at the beginning of the year after Parliament had also previously blocked the process. Von der Leyen let it be known at the time: The goal of reducing pesticides remained, and the intention was to possibly start a new attempt – with a less polarizing proposal.
Unfinished projects
Clue 2: Ongoing legislative procedures. These will continue after the election – provided that the newly appointed EU Parliament and the Commission agree.
New breeding techniques (NGTs): The Parliament has solidified its position, but the issue is deadlocked in the Council of Ministers. If the Belgian Council Presidency does not achieve a breakthrough by the end of June, further work is likely to be significantly delayed. If the Commission sees the situation as too complicated, it would theoretically also have the option of withdrawing the proposal after the elections and resubmitting it – for example with more clarity on the subject of patents. However, progress in Parliament would then be lost.
Animal transport: According to well-informed circles, the Greens in particular had been pushing for the Commission to at least present a reform of the rules on live animal transport. However, the proposal came so late that it could hardly be adopted in time. The issue will return to Parliament and the Council of Ministers after the elections. Neither institution has been in a hurry so far.
Seed Regulation: Parliament has adopted its negotiating position, but the EU agriculture ministers have not yet begun their work. The legislative process is likely to continue after the elections.
Green claims: Parliament’s negotiating mandate is in place, an agreement between the member states should follow soon. Trilogue negotiations could then begin after the elections.
Reduction of food waste: Here too, MEPs have adopted their negotiating mandate, but the 27 ministers have not yet done so.
Special cases:
Renaturation Act (NRL): The controversial law was close to the finish line, but is now stuck in the Council of Ministers. The pending Council vote is the last step towards adoption. This would therefore theoretically still be possible before the election. At the moment, however, there are no signs of a majority, even though von der Leyen has recently spoken out in favor of the law in a letter published by our colleagues at Contexte.
Deforestation-free supply chains: The regulation was already adopted last year, but there is currently pressure – including from the German government – to postpone the entry into force of the new rules. The new Commission is faced with the decision as to whether it will bow to this or take additional precautions to appease the public.
Upcoming tasks
The EU institutions will be faced with a number of new tasks after the election.
CAP reform: The EU Commission’s first proposals for the CAP after 2027 are expected next year. A difficult balancing act: on the one hand, there is great pressure to reform the CAP in order to further adapt it to the climate and biodiversity crisis and make it fit for Ukraine’s accession process. On the other hand, the appetite for drastic changes is likely to be dampened for the time being following the farmers’ protests.
Ukraine: Ukraine also remains an issue. After the back and forth over the extension of trade facilitation, the Commission wants to negotiate a longer-term agreement with Kyiv. Both support for Ukraine and relief for agriculture are likely to remain important for the new Commission. It needs to think about how to reconcile the two.
Market power of farmers: The Commission wants to strengthen this in the wake of the farmers’ protests. As early as the fall, it wants to present a law to better punish unfair trading practices (UTPs) across borders. This should be prepared by the current staff and then presented by the new team. An evaluation of the UTP Directive is scheduled for 2025, followed by a reform if necessary.
Further relief: The Commission also has an analysis of the bureaucratic burden on farmers on its agenda for the fall of this year.
Bauernproteste
Europawahlen 2024
Translation missing.
Outlook for the elections: Why the PiS is catching up in Poland
Poland’s ruling Civic Platform (PO) and the right-wing populist opposition Law and Justice (PiS) are sending several of their best-known politicians to the EU elections on June 9. PO politicians Borys Budka (former Minister of State Assets) and Bartłomiej Sienkiewicz (former Minister of Culture) are competing for the 53 Polish seats in Strasbourg against PiS grandees Mariusz Kamiński (former Minister of the Interior) and Daniel Obajtek (former head of the oil company Orlen).
Both camps are taking the elections very seriously. “These are perhaps the most important European elections since Poland’s accession to the EU“, says Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk.
Just a month ago, it looked as if the PO would win the election by a landslide. It was leading in some polls with six percent. But in recent weeks, the Eurosceptic PiS has made up a lot ofground. Now the two are once again running neck-and-neck, with a slight advantage for the right-wing nationalists. This has to do with domestic politics: More and more Poles are disappointed with the Tusk government’s record so far.
The reappraisal of the PiS government is making slow progress
Although economic growth in the first quarter of 2024 was a pleasing 1.9 percent, the PiS state is making little progress in winding up the country. For months, three Sejm committees have been trying to come to terms withthree major affairs of the predecessors – without any visible results. They concern the use of Israeli Pegasus software to wiretap politicians from the opposition at the time; the facilitated issuing of visas and the associated corruption; and an attempt to organize a postal vote during the pandemic.
The judicial reforms, which are intended to restore the independence of the courts, are also stuck. The Constitutional Tribunal, which has been hijacked by the PiS and does not conform to the constitution, continues to make decisions that no one respects. The governing coalition in parliament is arguing over the bill to depoliticize the National Judicial Council (KRS) – its first version is likely to be vetoed by President Andrzej Duda, who is loyal to the PiS, while a watered-down version proposed by the Senate does not go far enough for the judges’ associations.
Tusk realizes that he is running out of time. But if he takes shortcuts, he has to put up with criticism that his methods are no different from those of his predecessors. This applies to the new appointments to many positions in state cultural institutions such as museums and theaters, as well as in state-owned companies. Before his election victory in the fall, Tusk promised to fill such positions with experts in transparent selection procedures. Instead, he is appointing the successors to the dismissed PiS cadres at his own discretion.
In the European election campaign, however, the fronts are clear. The PiS is mobilizing its often EU-sceptical voters with an anti-EU program. In his speech at the start of the campaign, party leader Jaroslaw Kaczyński set out the line: “We are going to Brussels to say no.” No to the Green Deal, No to the migration pact, No to same-sex marriage, to the introduction of the euro and other things that “they want to impose on us”. The PiS leader is also against the EU on security issues and in favor of an “alliance with the USA”.
Dampener for enthusiasm for Europe in Poland
Tusk is different. He is also calling for changes to the migration pact and the Green Deal. However, he wants to overcome the differences of opinion together with other EU states. Brussels has honored Tusk’s course in restoring the rule of law and has already transferred the first tranche of frozen funds from the Corona Recovery Fund.
Poland can also hope for a quick end to the EU proceedings for alleged violations of European values. The responsible EU Commissioner, Věra Jourová, said on Tuesday that she would present an official proposal to end the so-calledArticle 7 proceedings by the end of the month. Under the new government, Poland has joined the European Public Prosecutor’s Office and wants to participate in the European air defense system.
However, the war in Ukraine and the reluctance of some EU partners to do more for European defense preparedness has put a damper on Polish enthusiasm for Europe. According to a survey by the opinion research agency IBRiS, only 53% of Poles believe that the advantages of EU membership outweigh the disadvantages; 25% are of the opinion that the advantages and disadvantages are balanced; around 17% are convinced that the disadvantages outweigh the advantages. While around 94% of PO voters see more advantages than disadvantages of membership, only 17% of PiS voters believe that Poland will really benefit from it.
President Duda wants a say in the nomination of the Commissioner
Warsaw definitely wants to send a commissioner to Brussels after the European elections. Some PO politicians even believe that Poland could applyforthepost of High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. Current Foreign Minister Radosław Sikorski is considered a promising candidate for both posts.
However, there is also a threat of controversy over this personnel matter: President Duda wants to have a say in the appointment of the commissioner, although he is not entitled to do so under the constitution. However, one month before the lost 2023 election, the PiS pushed through a questionable law that gives the president the right to block the government’s candidate. Prime Minister Tusk has already indicated that he will not respect this law. With dpa
European Defense
Translation missing.
News
Disinformation: What EU states want to do about it
A group of EU member states is calling for further measures to combat disinformation from abroad. For example, a more open exchange of information on new influence campaigns with researchers, NGOs and journalists is necessary, according to the joint paper, which was discussed at the General Council in Brussels on Tuesday.
These could also be involved in the implementation of the Digital Services Act via advisory bodies of the national supervisory authorities (Digital Services Coordinators, DSCs), according to the statement initiated by Germany, France and Poland, which was endorsed by a further 13 countries.
The governments are also calling for financial resources and a new platform for the exchange of information with experts from civil society on how to improve media skills among the population. In addition, the EUshould strengthen its strategic communication in the member states in order to highlight the benefits of integration.
“In the fight against disinformation, we need to work together more and learn from each other”, said Anna Lührmann (Greens), Minister of State for Europe at the Office for Foreign Affairs. In addition, the EU must consistently sanction Russian attempts at destabilization. Last week, the member states had already agreed to place four media outlets linked to the Kremlin on the sanctions list. On Tuesday, they also adopted joint conclusions on democratic resilience.
Push for Europe-wide media platform
The member states are also taking up an initiative from the coalition agreement of the traffic light coalition to establish a Europe-wide media platform. This is intended to make high-quality information, particularly from public service media, available to citizens from other EU countries, for example with the help of AI-supported translation. The task now is to reach an agreement on the content for the platform, it was said in Brussels.
The governments are also calling for the establishment of a structured exchange of best practices between member states in view of the large number of individual measures against disinformation and foreign influence. The existing Horizontal Working Party on Enhancing Resilience and Countering Hybrid Threats (HWP ERCHT) should be used for this purpose. The member states should also make more intensive use of the rapid alert system that was established as part of the 2018 action plan against disinformation. tho
Digital Services Act
EU digital policy: These are the Council’s priorities for the upcoming mandate
Implementing the many digital laws adopted in the mandate that is coming to an end effectively, coherently and efficiently – that is the most important goal of the Union’s digital ministers for the new mandate. This is stated in the Council conclusions for the future EU digital policy, which the ministers adopted on Tuesday. Implementation should be carried out with the least possible administrative burden for public and private actors.
The digital ministers are also calling for a common European concept for innovative digital technologies. This is of central importance for competitiveness and the protection of the EU’s economic security. The member states also emphasize that the digital transformation should go hand in hand with a green transition while maintaining ambitious sustainability goals.
Council wants more digital trade agreements
The member states also point out that this change can only be managed with a skilled workforce and that a secure and resilient digital infrastructure must be ensured throughout the EU.
The Council also emphasizes the importance of the international dimension of EU digital policy. It wants to see digital partnerships and digital trade agreements strengthened. It also calls for a proactive and coordinated EU approach to be developed in order to play a key role in the digital transformation worldwide. vis
Digitalpolitik
AI Seoul Summit: How the USA and others want to develop safe AI
At the start of the AI Seoul Summit, US Secretary of Commerce Gina Raimondo presented a new strategic vision for the US Artificial Intelligence Safety Institute (AISI). She announced plans to create a global network of AI safety institutes and bring them together for a summit in the San Francisco Bay Area later this year. The AISI has recently established a presence there to promote collaboration and attract talent.
The AI Seoul Summit is an international gathering of companies and policymakers focused on the development and regulation of artificial intelligence. The British government initiated this conference series, the first meeting of which took place in Bletchley Park in 2023. The aim of the summit is to provide a platform for the exchange of knowledge and best practices to promote the safe and responsible use of AI technologies. The next meeting is scheduled to take place in France in the fall.
Google, Meta, Microsoft and Open AI agree to cooperate
Sixteen leading companies in AI development, including Google, Meta, Microsoft and Open AI, have pledged to develop the technology safely at the AI Seoul Summit. They were supported by a declaration from the G7, the EU, Singapore, Australia and South Korea. These countries have agreed to prioritize AI safety, innovation and inclusivity. “We must ensure the safety of AI to protect the well-being and democracy of our society”, said South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol, referring to the risks posed by deepfakes.
Other companies that have committed to security include Zhipu.ai – supported by Alibaba, Tencent, Meituan and Xiaomi – as well as the Technology Innovation Institute of the United Arab Emirates, Amazon, IBM and Samsung Electronics. They committed to publishing security frameworks to measure risk, avoid models where risks cannot be sufficiently mitigated and ensure governance and transparency.
AI security: strategic vision of the USA
AISI’s new strategic vision comprises three central goals:
drive forward research into AI safety
develop and disseminate practical examples of AI safety
support institutions and groups in these efforts.
The institute plans to createcomprehensive tests and benchmarks to assess the safety of AI models and systems. Special focus is placed on preventive measures to assess potential and emerging risks before the introduction of new AI technologies.
In a global context, the AISI initiative is part of international efforts to ensure AI safety. Raimondo emphasized the importance of international cooperation in order to create globally accepted standards and ensure that the development of AI is in line with human rights, safety and trust. vis/rtr
Artificial intelligence
Artificial Intelligence Regulation
Digital policy
Künstliche Intelligenz-Verordnung
Council adopts energy legislation and AI Act
On Tuesday, the Council adopted several major legislative proposals relating to energy and digital policy: the regulations and directives on the internal electricity, gas and hydrogen markets and the AI Act. The electricity market reform is intended to help curb price spikes such as those following Russia’s attack on Ukraine. The gas market package creates the basis for the development of hydrogen infrastructure and for an internal hydrogen market.
With the Council’s approval, which took place on Tuesday without further debate, the AI Act is now a done deal. The AI Act follows a risk-based approach, meaning that the higher the risk of personal or social harm, the stricter the regulations. The EU is convinced that this will set a global standard for AI regulation. The AI Act only applies to areas covered by EU law and provides for exemptions, for example for systems used exclusively for military, defense and research purposes. ber/vis
Grüner Wasserstoff
Russian Central Bank: How the EU intends to use the frozen assets
In the future, the EU will use billions in interest income from frozen assets of the Russian central bankto finance military aid for Ukraine. Ministers from the EU member states made the necessary decisions on Tuesday in Brussels, according to a spokesperson for the current Belgian EU Council Presidency. A political agreement on the procedure had already been reached almost two weeks ago. This year alone, up to €3 billion are to be raised for Ukraine.
According to the Commission, around €210 billion from the Russian central bank have been frozen in the EU. The Brussels-based financial institution Euroclear recently announced that it had collected around €4.4 billion in interest in 2023.
90 percent for military equipment, 10 percent as financial aid
The proposal for the indirect use of Russian funds for Ukraine was submitted to the governments of the EU member states by EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs Josep Borrell in March. It stipulates that 90 percent of the usable interest income from the custody of Russian central bank funds should be channeled into the EU fund for the financing of military equipment and training. The remaining ten percent is to be used for direct financial aid for Ukraine.
The negotiations were difficult, among other things, because neutral countries such as Austria do not want to participate directly in the supply of weapons and ammunition. For them, it has now been agreed that some of the interest income will also be used for other financial aid. There were also discussions about how much money Euroclear should be allowed to retain for its expenses. The amount was reduced from 3 percent to 0.3 percent in the course of the negotiations. It is by far the most important institution in the EU that holds the assets of the Russian central bank. dpa
Ukraine
European Parliament: Why Le Pen is finally breaking with the AfD
After the European elections, Marine Le Pen’s Rassemblement national (RN) no longer wants to be in a parliamentary group with the MEPs of the German AfD. MEP Thibaut François, who is responsible for the RN’s international relations, told our colleagues at “Contexte” about this.
The far-right party of Marine Le Pen is thus reacting to a statement by Maximilian Krah, who is running in first place on the AfD list and had refused to callall SS people “criminals”. Possible exclusion of the AfD from the ID parliamentary group is only a “wish of the Rassemblement national” and not yet a decision of the parliamentary group, François continued to “Contexte”. However, the party leaders of the Lega, FPÖ and Dutch PVV, who also belong to the ID, had been informed in advance by RN leader Jordan Bardella.
Opportunity for Viktor Orbán’s party
The RN had already distanced itself from the German AfD beforehand. For example, the RN had asked the AfD leadership to report when the AfD’s involvement in the Potsdam meeting with plans for the mass deportation of Germans with a migration background became known.
According to Contexte, if the AfD is excluded from the ID Group, the ID’s group status in the European Parliament will notbe threatened. On the contrary, this would open up the possibility for the ID Group to include the MEPs of Hungary’s Fidesz. Fidesz leader Viktor Orbán had previously rejected membership of the same group as the German AfD. mgr
Election debate: The leading candidates’ views on EU economic policy
In a debate on the EU’s economic policy during the European elections, the Social Democratic lead candidate and current Labor Commissioner Nicolas Schmit showed restraint. Schmit, whose Social Democrats are far behind the EPP in the polls, remained more a fellow Commissioner than the leader of the opposition in the election campaign debate. He did speak out more aggressively in favor of more solidarity mechanisms between the member states and more EU funds than Commission President Ursula von der Leyen. However, he hardly voiced any criticism of the previous Commission leadership.
Schmit and von der Leyen met the leading liberal candidate Sandro Gozi and Anders Vistisen from the right-wing nationalist ID parliamentary group at the debate. Organized by the think tank Bruegel and the “Financial Times”, the debate was intended to show how the candidates relate to economic policy issues.
Capital markets union as an ‘EPP failure’
Liberal MEP Sandro Gozi, who together with Valérie Hayer and Marie-Agnes Strack-Zimmermann forms a three-member Liberal group, was much more aggressive. “The Capital Markets Union is the EPP’s biggest failure”, he said in the direction of the Commission President. Gozi recalled that with Ursula von der Leyen, Valdis Dombrovskis and Mairead McGuinness, all relevant Commission posts had been occupied by EPP exponents. “The EPP was in power for five years and nothing happened“, he said.
When asked what he would specifically do differently, however, Gozi evaded the question, thereby unintentionally demonstrating the limited power of the Commission. He would advocate a compromise between the member states, he said.
The President of the Commission defended herself by referring to the proposals that the Commission had presented in the current legislature. It was now up to the finance ministers to reach an agreement, she said.
Gozi and Schmit for more EU funding
Another point of criticism from Gozi concerned the lack of EU funding. He criticized von der Leyen for never specifying the EU Sovereignty Fund, which she had promised in 2022 in response to the US Inflation Reduction Act. For Gozi, it is clear that the EU needs to invest more together and that we cannot stick to budget sizes that have been the same since 1988. However, Gozi’s position that a larger EU budget and a public investment strategy at EU level is necessary is not the consensus in his liberal group.
Schmit spoke out clearly in favor of a higher EU budget and more common debt. “The future of Europe will be decided at the level of investment. Either we are able to invest or we are not, and then we lose”, he said.
Von der Leyen insisted that an increase in the EU budget would have to be financed sooner or later either with higher contributions from the member states or with additional EU own resources. When asked whether she supported the initiative by Estonian Prime Minister Kaja Kallas and French President Emmanuel Macron to finance the European defense industry with new EU debt, the Commission President did not answer.
European Defense
European election 2024
European policy
Industrial policy
Wirtschaftspolitik
Opinion
How mediocrity jeopardizes the European project
By Michael Zürn and Steffen Huck
Michael Zürn and Steffen Huck are directors at the Social Science Research Center Berlin. Zürn heads the Global Governance Department, Huck the Economics of Change Department.
European integration has never been crisis-free. The response to crises and upheavals has usually been to deepen European integration. The economic Eurosclerosis of the 1980s led to the single market program. Fears about German unification were countered with the creation of the euro. And the same logic applies to the series of economic and political crises that have since taken Europe’s breath away.
In response to the financial crisis, the “bazooka” and the euro protective shield were unpacked. Although the euro has lost a total of 45% in value against the Swiss franc since 2007, it could have been worse. And not all countries can follow the Swiss business model.
The European project has stalled since Lisbon
However, the responses to the crisis have remained fragmented since the Lisbon Treaty. Although the crises of the 2000s also led to a de facto strengthening of the European institutions, they no longer fueled the European project as such, even if they offered unique opportunities to do so. Crises can help to overcome hurdles that cannot be overcome in a normal situation.
The idea that far-reaching economic integration should be followed by correspondingly far-reaching political integration has come to nothing in the last two decades. The European project has stalled since Lisbon. So there is still no common migration policy and all member states still have the right of veto. Good for Hungary!
Germany is not least to blame for the lethargy in integration policy. This is not even primarily about the many European initiatives that Germany has blocked in the EU, the list of which is long (think of the combustion engine or medical protective equipment during the pandemic). This applies in particular to the major issues of debt mutualization or a common defense policy. Germany’s European policy clings to the institutional status quo and lets promising initiatives by its partners come to nothing.
Integration of security policy and the military
In view of the recent crises with a strengthening right wing and the Russian war of aggression on Ukraine, the European project could be given a new boost on an unprecedented scale if only Germany took European integration seriously again. If Putin controls Kyiv and Trump controls Washington at the end of the year, Europe will be challenged. The point will then have been reached where the EU will not need us, but it will be us who need Europe. “Our tanks” will not be enough.
We Germans like to see ourselves as the ones who contribute more to Europe than anyone else. Nobody pays as much into the EU as we do (no matter how you measure it: in absolute terms, as part of GDP or per capita), and nobody takes in more refugees. We are the good guys, we stand by Europe! But do we really? If we did, if we were really serious about Europe, then the European project must now be driven forward and deepened. However, the integration of security policyand the military can only succeed in a democratic union. And this is where the importance of the European elections becomes clear.
Only the best should go to Brussels
The fact that we do not attach enough importance to Europe and its elections is already evident in the political personnel that we send to the European institutions. We should have our best people in the EU Commission, the EU Parliament and the leadership of other European organizations such as the European Investment Bank. Instead: Klaus Hänsch and Hans-Gert Pöttering and Werner Hoyer and a failed Defense Minister Ursula von der Leyen, who was not elected as a top candidate. We don’t even want to talk about the next levels. Those who don’t make it to the state parliament in their party run for the European Parliament. You earn a lot more there and are out of the way.
There is by no means a lack of talent. It’s just that we have created a system in which nobody believes that anything more than money can be made in European institutions. Stately tax-free incomes in Brussels and Strasbourg have degenerated into a consolation prize and are ideally suited to making unwelcome companions offers they cannot refuse. However, the European project can only be developed further if we make the best and most talented people available for it.
Organizing our own protection with Europe
At the same time, the next stage of European integration must be accompanied by a clear democratization. The European elections must become an institution where voters know what a cross for a candidate and party means politically. In the absence of political debates on the European path, in the absence of Europe-wide electoral lists, and in view of the de facto appointment of the President of the Commission by the Council, the primordial democratic act degenerates into a ritualized punishment of the current national governments.
Is it too late? Anyone studying the developments on the front in Ukraine must ask themselves this question. If we want to take Europe seriously, it is now high time to rethink, at least in very concrete terms, and that means one thing above all: first taking elections, politicizing Europe, and using it to organize our own protection.
There is not much time left for a rethink
The first step is to put our best forces up for election and send them to Europe. Only they can generate the necessary attention in the European elections. This also means not standing in the way of other member states if they have better candidates for individual positions, but also standing up to them if they believe they can push through weaker candidates on the basis of pure proportional representation.
Otherwise, we would continue to find ourselves in a spiral of mediocrity that would put the once-so-successful European project in the worst possible danger. And thus, from 2025 at the latest, our security as well. The penultimate sentence is in the subjunctive mood to express a little hope. Of course, we don’t have much time left for such a rethink. Steffen Huck and Michael Zürn
Michael Clauß has already represented the German government as EU ambassador in Brussels for six years, and now it has been decided that he will stay on for another year. The 62-year-old diplomat will remain in the post beyond the summer, as Table.Briefings has learned from Berlin government circles.
Such a long time in one place is unusual for a top diplomat. On the one hand, Clauß is valued by the federal government for his expertise and political tact. On the other hand, the extension spares the three coalition partners difficult negotiations as to who should succeed him.
With the Federal Foreign Office and the Federal Ministry for Economic Affairs and Climate Protection, the Greens already occupy the two offices responsible for issuing directives to the Permanent Representation in Brussels. Without the Chancellor’s Office, little is possible in European policy anyway. In recent months, the FDP-led ministries have often caused offense to the two coalition partners because they did not want to support their positions. This in turn meant that Clauß and his deputy Helen Winter often had to wait a long time for their instructions.
I wish you an entertaining day!
Your Till Hoppe
Feature
EU elections: What to expect from Agrifood in the new legislative period
A new EU Parliament will be elected at the beginning of June, and new appointments will also be made to the European Commission. As the outgoing Commission did with the Green Deal as its overarching concept, the new (or re-elected) staff will then set their own priorities. General trends can already be foreseen: Environmental and climate protection are likely to be less of a focus for the time being than after the last election in 2019. While green parties made record gains back then, the picture today is dominated by farmers’ protests and a projected strengthening of the centre-right to right wing.
Above all, if Ursula von der Leyen is re-elected as Commission President, the new Commission is also likely to focus its work on the final report of the Strategy Dialogue on Agriculture which is expected in late summer, and will continue to pursue the plans to ease the burden on farmers. Even if much more depends on the outcome of the elections and the distribution and allocation of posts: There are already indications of what will be on the agenda after the election.
Still on the to-do list
Clue 1: Unfulfilled projects from this legislative period. There are quite a few of them. In the Green Deal in particular, there is hardly any policy area where so little has been implemented as in agriculture and food. It is unlikely that dossiers that were already too sensitive for the outgoing Commission will be implemented one-to-one after the election. However, a lot of groundwork has been done in some areas. Even if political priorities shift, the new Commission could revisit some of the issues, especially as the associations concerned continue to call for action.
Food labeling: there should actually be new, EU-wide rules. The topic is complex and the work has not yet been completed, according to the Commission. The latter is probably being put off above all by the highly emotional debate surrounding the Europe-wide introduction of the Nutri-Score. The German hot topic of origin labeling was also supposed to be addressed here and remained unresolved.
Animal welfare package: The EU animal welfare framework is considered outdated and the Commission wanted to reform it comprehensively. Although the complex package was reportedly largely completed, only a proposal on animal transportation was made (see below). Husbandry, slaughter and animal welfare labels were left out, probably too sensitive ahead of the upcoming elections.
Sustainable Food Systems Act (SFS): The Commission had originally announced this as a “flagship” of the farm-to-fork strategy for fall 2023, but never presented it. Alongside the Labeling Act, it was planned as one of the projects for the “fork side”. But it remained elusive. While a voluntary sustainability label and measures for public procurement were still on the table at the beginning of 2023, there was more talk of food security later on.
Special case:
Pesticides Regulation (SUR): The controversial regulation had already been launched, but the Commission withdrew it at the beginning of the year after Parliament had also previously blocked the process. Von der Leyen let it be known at the time: The goal of reducing pesticides remained, and the intention was to possibly start a new attempt – with a less polarizing proposal.
Unfinished projects
Clue 2: Ongoing legislative procedures. These will continue after the election – provided that the newly appointed EU Parliament and the Commission agree.
New breeding techniques (NGTs): The Parliament has solidified its position, but the issue is deadlocked in the Council of Ministers. If the Belgian Council Presidency does not achieve a breakthrough by the end of June, further work is likely to be significantly delayed. If the Commission sees the situation as too complicated, it would theoretically also have the option of withdrawing the proposal after the elections and resubmitting it – for example with more clarity on the subject of patents. However, progress in Parliament would then be lost.
Animal transport: According to well-informed circles, the Greens in particular had been pushing for the Commission to at least present a reform of the rules on live animal transport. However, the proposal came so late that it could hardly be adopted in time. The issue will return to Parliament and the Council of Ministers after the elections. Neither institution has been in a hurry so far.
Seed Regulation: Parliament has adopted its negotiating position, but the EU agriculture ministers have not yet begun their work. The legislative process is likely to continue after the elections.
Green claims: Parliament’s negotiating mandate is in place, an agreement between the member states should follow soon. Trilogue negotiations could then begin after the elections.
Reduction of food waste: Here too, MEPs have adopted their negotiating mandate, but the 27 ministers have not yet done so.
Special cases:
Renaturation Act (NRL): The controversial law was close to the finish line, but is now stuck in the Council of Ministers. The pending Council vote is the last step towards adoption. This would therefore theoretically still be possible before the election. At the moment, however, there are no signs of a majority, even though von der Leyen has recently spoken out in favor of the law in a letter published by our colleagues at Contexte.
Deforestation-free supply chains: The regulation was already adopted last year, but there is currently pressure – including from the German government – to postpone the entry into force of the new rules. The new Commission is faced with the decision as to whether it will bow to this or take additional precautions to appease the public.
Upcoming tasks
The EU institutions will be faced with a number of new tasks after the election.
CAP reform: The EU Commission’s first proposals for the CAP after 2027 are expected next year. A difficult balancing act: on the one hand, there is great pressure to reform the CAP in order to further adapt it to the climate and biodiversity crisis and make it fit for Ukraine’s accession process. On the other hand, the appetite for drastic changes is likely to be dampened for the time being following the farmers’ protests.
Ukraine: Ukraine also remains an issue. After the back and forth over the extension of trade facilitation, the Commission wants to negotiate a longer-term agreement with Kyiv. Both support for Ukraine and relief for agriculture are likely to remain important for the new Commission. It needs to think about how to reconcile the two.
Market power of farmers: The Commission wants to strengthen this in the wake of the farmers’ protests. As early as the fall, it wants to present a law to better punish unfair trading practices (UTPs) across borders. This should be prepared by the current staff and then presented by the new team. An evaluation of the UTP Directive is scheduled for 2025, followed by a reform if necessary.
Further relief: The Commission also has an analysis of the bureaucratic burden on farmers on its agenda for the fall of this year.
Bauernproteste
Europawahlen 2024
Translation missing.
Outlook for the elections: Why the PiS is catching up in Poland
Poland’s ruling Civic Platform (PO) and the right-wing populist opposition Law and Justice (PiS) are sending several of their best-known politicians to the EU elections on June 9. PO politicians Borys Budka (former Minister of State Assets) and Bartłomiej Sienkiewicz (former Minister of Culture) are competing for the 53 Polish seats in Strasbourg against PiS grandees Mariusz Kamiński (former Minister of the Interior) and Daniel Obajtek (former head of the oil company Orlen).
Both camps are taking the elections very seriously. “These are perhaps the most important European elections since Poland’s accession to the EU“, says Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk.
Just a month ago, it looked as if the PO would win the election by a landslide. It was leading in some polls with six percent. But in recent weeks, the Eurosceptic PiS has made up a lot ofground. Now the two are once again running neck-and-neck, with a slight advantage for the right-wing nationalists. This has to do with domestic politics: More and more Poles are disappointed with the Tusk government’s record so far.
The reappraisal of the PiS government is making slow progress
Although economic growth in the first quarter of 2024 was a pleasing 1.9 percent, the PiS state is making little progress in winding up the country. For months, three Sejm committees have been trying to come to terms withthree major affairs of the predecessors – without any visible results. They concern the use of Israeli Pegasus software to wiretap politicians from the opposition at the time; the facilitated issuing of visas and the associated corruption; and an attempt to organize a postal vote during the pandemic.
The judicial reforms, which are intended to restore the independence of the courts, are also stuck. The Constitutional Tribunal, which has been hijacked by the PiS and does not conform to the constitution, continues to make decisions that no one respects. The governing coalition in parliament is arguing over the bill to depoliticize the National Judicial Council (KRS) – its first version is likely to be vetoed by President Andrzej Duda, who is loyal to the PiS, while a watered-down version proposed by the Senate does not go far enough for the judges’ associations.
Tusk realizes that he is running out of time. But if he takes shortcuts, he has to put up with criticism that his methods are no different from those of his predecessors. This applies to the new appointments to many positions in state cultural institutions such as museums and theaters, as well as in state-owned companies. Before his election victory in the fall, Tusk promised to fill such positions with experts in transparent selection procedures. Instead, he is appointing the successors to the dismissed PiS cadres at his own discretion.
In the European election campaign, however, the fronts are clear. The PiS is mobilizing its often EU-sceptical voters with an anti-EU program. In his speech at the start of the campaign, party leader Jaroslaw Kaczyński set out the line: “We are going to Brussels to say no.” No to the Green Deal, No to the migration pact, No to same-sex marriage, to the introduction of the euro and other things that “they want to impose on us”. The PiS leader is also against the EU on security issues and in favor of an “alliance with the USA”.
Dampener for enthusiasm for Europe in Poland
Tusk is different. He is also calling for changes to the migration pact and the Green Deal. However, he wants to overcome the differences of opinion together with other EU states. Brussels has honored Tusk’s course in restoring the rule of law and has already transferred the first tranche of frozen funds from the Corona Recovery Fund.
Poland can also hope for a quick end to the EU proceedings for alleged violations of European values. The responsible EU Commissioner, Věra Jourová, said on Tuesday that she would present an official proposal to end the so-calledArticle 7 proceedings by the end of the month. Under the new government, Poland has joined the European Public Prosecutor’s Office and wants to participate in the European air defense system.
However, the war in Ukraine and the reluctance of some EU partners to do more for European defense preparedness has put a damper on Polish enthusiasm for Europe. According to a survey by the opinion research agency IBRiS, only 53% of Poles believe that the advantages of EU membership outweigh the disadvantages; 25% are of the opinion that the advantages and disadvantages are balanced; around 17% are convinced that the disadvantages outweigh the advantages. While around 94% of PO voters see more advantages than disadvantages of membership, only 17% of PiS voters believe that Poland will really benefit from it.
President Duda wants a say in the nomination of the Commissioner
Warsaw definitely wants to send a commissioner to Brussels after the European elections. Some PO politicians even believe that Poland could applyforthepost of High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. Current Foreign Minister Radosław Sikorski is considered a promising candidate for both posts.
However, there is also a threat of controversy over this personnel matter: President Duda wants to have a say in the appointment of the commissioner, although he is not entitled to do so under the constitution. However, one month before the lost 2023 election, the PiS pushed through a questionable law that gives the president the right to block the government’s candidate. Prime Minister Tusk has already indicated that he will not respect this law. With dpa
European Defense
Translation missing.
News
Disinformation: What EU states want to do about it
A group of EU member states is calling for further measures to combat disinformation from abroad. For example, a more open exchange of information on new influence campaigns with researchers, NGOs and journalists is necessary, according to the joint paper, which was discussed at the General Council in Brussels on Tuesday.
These could also be involved in the implementation of the Digital Services Act via advisory bodies of the national supervisory authorities (Digital Services Coordinators, DSCs), according to the statement initiated by Germany, France and Poland, which was endorsed by a further 13 countries.
The governments are also calling for financial resources and a new platform for the exchange of information with experts from civil society on how to improve media skills among the population. In addition, the EUshould strengthen its strategic communication in the member states in order to highlight the benefits of integration.
“In the fight against disinformation, we need to work together more and learn from each other”, said Anna Lührmann (Greens), Minister of State for Europe at the Office for Foreign Affairs. In addition, the EU must consistently sanction Russian attempts at destabilization. Last week, the member states had already agreed to place four media outlets linked to the Kremlin on the sanctions list. On Tuesday, they also adopted joint conclusions on democratic resilience.
Push for Europe-wide media platform
The member states are also taking up an initiative from the coalition agreement of the traffic light coalition to establish a Europe-wide media platform. This is intended to make high-quality information, particularly from public service media, available to citizens from other EU countries, for example with the help of AI-supported translation. The task now is to reach an agreement on the content for the platform, it was said in Brussels.
The governments are also calling for the establishment of a structured exchange of best practices between member states in view of the large number of individual measures against disinformation and foreign influence. The existing Horizontal Working Party on Enhancing Resilience and Countering Hybrid Threats (HWP ERCHT) should be used for this purpose. The member states should also make more intensive use of the rapid alert system that was established as part of the 2018 action plan against disinformation. tho
Digital Services Act
EU digital policy: These are the Council’s priorities for the upcoming mandate
Implementing the many digital laws adopted in the mandate that is coming to an end effectively, coherently and efficiently – that is the most important goal of the Union’s digital ministers for the new mandate. This is stated in the Council conclusions for the future EU digital policy, which the ministers adopted on Tuesday. Implementation should be carried out with the least possible administrative burden for public and private actors.
The digital ministers are also calling for a common European concept for innovative digital technologies. This is of central importance for competitiveness and the protection of the EU’s economic security. The member states also emphasize that the digital transformation should go hand in hand with a green transition while maintaining ambitious sustainability goals.
Council wants more digital trade agreements
The member states also point out that this change can only be managed with a skilled workforce and that a secure and resilient digital infrastructure must be ensured throughout the EU.
The Council also emphasizes the importance of the international dimension of EU digital policy. It wants to see digital partnerships and digital trade agreements strengthened. It also calls for a proactive and coordinated EU approach to be developed in order to play a key role in the digital transformation worldwide. vis
Digitalpolitik
AI Seoul Summit: How the USA and others want to develop safe AI
At the start of the AI Seoul Summit, US Secretary of Commerce Gina Raimondo presented a new strategic vision for the US Artificial Intelligence Safety Institute (AISI). She announced plans to create a global network of AI safety institutes and bring them together for a summit in the San Francisco Bay Area later this year. The AISI has recently established a presence there to promote collaboration and attract talent.
The AI Seoul Summit is an international gathering of companies and policymakers focused on the development and regulation of artificial intelligence. The British government initiated this conference series, the first meeting of which took place in Bletchley Park in 2023. The aim of the summit is to provide a platform for the exchange of knowledge and best practices to promote the safe and responsible use of AI technologies. The next meeting is scheduled to take place in France in the fall.
Google, Meta, Microsoft and Open AI agree to cooperate
Sixteen leading companies in AI development, including Google, Meta, Microsoft and Open AI, have pledged to develop the technology safely at the AI Seoul Summit. They were supported by a declaration from the G7, the EU, Singapore, Australia and South Korea. These countries have agreed to prioritize AI safety, innovation and inclusivity. “We must ensure the safety of AI to protect the well-being and democracy of our society”, said South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol, referring to the risks posed by deepfakes.
Other companies that have committed to security include Zhipu.ai – supported by Alibaba, Tencent, Meituan and Xiaomi – as well as the Technology Innovation Institute of the United Arab Emirates, Amazon, IBM and Samsung Electronics. They committed to publishing security frameworks to measure risk, avoid models where risks cannot be sufficiently mitigated and ensure governance and transparency.
AI security: strategic vision of the USA
AISI’s new strategic vision comprises three central goals:
drive forward research into AI safety
develop and disseminate practical examples of AI safety
support institutions and groups in these efforts.
The institute plans to createcomprehensive tests and benchmarks to assess the safety of AI models and systems. Special focus is placed on preventive measures to assess potential and emerging risks before the introduction of new AI technologies.
In a global context, the AISI initiative is part of international efforts to ensure AI safety. Raimondo emphasized the importance of international cooperation in order to create globally accepted standards and ensure that the development of AI is in line with human rights, safety and trust. vis/rtr
Artificial intelligence
Artificial Intelligence Regulation
Digital policy
Künstliche Intelligenz-Verordnung
Council adopts energy legislation and AI Act
On Tuesday, the Council adopted several major legislative proposals relating to energy and digital policy: the regulations and directives on the internal electricity, gas and hydrogen markets and the AI Act. The electricity market reform is intended to help curb price spikes such as those following Russia’s attack on Ukraine. The gas market package creates the basis for the development of hydrogen infrastructure and for an internal hydrogen market.
With the Council’s approval, which took place on Tuesday without further debate, the AI Act is now a done deal. The AI Act follows a risk-based approach, meaning that the higher the risk of personal or social harm, the stricter the regulations. The EU is convinced that this will set a global standard for AI regulation. The AI Act only applies to areas covered by EU law and provides for exemptions, for example for systems used exclusively for military, defense and research purposes. ber/vis
Grüner Wasserstoff
Russian Central Bank: How the EU intends to use the frozen assets
In the future, the EU will use billions in interest income from frozen assets of the Russian central bankto finance military aid for Ukraine. Ministers from the EU member states made the necessary decisions on Tuesday in Brussels, according to a spokesperson for the current Belgian EU Council Presidency. A political agreement on the procedure had already been reached almost two weeks ago. This year alone, up to €3 billion are to be raised for Ukraine.
According to the Commission, around €210 billion from the Russian central bank have been frozen in the EU. The Brussels-based financial institution Euroclear recently announced that it had collected around €4.4 billion in interest in 2023.
90 percent for military equipment, 10 percent as financial aid
The proposal for the indirect use of Russian funds for Ukraine was submitted to the governments of the EU member states by EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs Josep Borrell in March. It stipulates that 90 percent of the usable interest income from the custody of Russian central bank funds should be channeled into the EU fund for the financing of military equipment and training. The remaining ten percent is to be used for direct financial aid for Ukraine.
The negotiations were difficult, among other things, because neutral countries such as Austria do not want to participate directly in the supply of weapons and ammunition. For them, it has now been agreed that some of the interest income will also be used for other financial aid. There were also discussions about how much money Euroclear should be allowed to retain for its expenses. The amount was reduced from 3 percent to 0.3 percent in the course of the negotiations. It is by far the most important institution in the EU that holds the assets of the Russian central bank. dpa
Ukraine
European Parliament: Why Le Pen is finally breaking with the AfD
After the European elections, Marine Le Pen’s Rassemblement national (RN) no longer wants to be in a parliamentary group with the MEPs of the German AfD. MEP Thibaut François, who is responsible for the RN’s international relations, told our colleagues at “Contexte” about this.
The far-right party of Marine Le Pen is thus reacting to a statement by Maximilian Krah, who is running in first place on the AfD list and had refused to callall SS people “criminals”. Possible exclusion of the AfD from the ID parliamentary group is only a “wish of the Rassemblement national” and not yet a decision of the parliamentary group, François continued to “Contexte”. However, the party leaders of the Lega, FPÖ and Dutch PVV, who also belong to the ID, had been informed in advance by RN leader Jordan Bardella.
Opportunity for Viktor Orbán’s party
The RN had already distanced itself from the German AfD beforehand. For example, the RN had asked the AfD leadership to report when the AfD’s involvement in the Potsdam meeting with plans for the mass deportation of Germans with a migration background became known.
According to Contexte, if the AfD is excluded from the ID Group, the ID’s group status in the European Parliament will notbe threatened. On the contrary, this would open up the possibility for the ID Group to include the MEPs of Hungary’s Fidesz. Fidesz leader Viktor Orbán had previously rejected membership of the same group as the German AfD. mgr
Election debate: The leading candidates’ views on EU economic policy
In a debate on the EU’s economic policy during the European elections, the Social Democratic lead candidate and current Labor Commissioner Nicolas Schmit showed restraint. Schmit, whose Social Democrats are far behind the EPP in the polls, remained more a fellow Commissioner than the leader of the opposition in the election campaign debate. He did speak out more aggressively in favor of more solidarity mechanisms between the member states and more EU funds than Commission President Ursula von der Leyen. However, he hardly voiced any criticism of the previous Commission leadership.
Schmit and von der Leyen met the leading liberal candidate Sandro Gozi and Anders Vistisen from the right-wing nationalist ID parliamentary group at the debate. Organized by the think tank Bruegel and the “Financial Times”, the debate was intended to show how the candidates relate to economic policy issues.
Capital markets union as an ‘EPP failure’
Liberal MEP Sandro Gozi, who together with Valérie Hayer and Marie-Agnes Strack-Zimmermann forms a three-member Liberal group, was much more aggressive. “The Capital Markets Union is the EPP’s biggest failure”, he said in the direction of the Commission President. Gozi recalled that with Ursula von der Leyen, Valdis Dombrovskis and Mairead McGuinness, all relevant Commission posts had been occupied by EPP exponents. “The EPP was in power for five years and nothing happened“, he said.
When asked what he would specifically do differently, however, Gozi evaded the question, thereby unintentionally demonstrating the limited power of the Commission. He would advocate a compromise between the member states, he said.
The President of the Commission defended herself by referring to the proposals that the Commission had presented in the current legislature. It was now up to the finance ministers to reach an agreement, she said.
Gozi and Schmit for more EU funding
Another point of criticism from Gozi concerned the lack of EU funding. He criticized von der Leyen for never specifying the EU Sovereignty Fund, which she had promised in 2022 in response to the US Inflation Reduction Act. For Gozi, it is clear that the EU needs to invest more together and that we cannot stick to budget sizes that have been the same since 1988. However, Gozi’s position that a larger EU budget and a public investment strategy at EU level is necessary is not the consensus in his liberal group.
Schmit spoke out clearly in favor of a higher EU budget and more common debt. “The future of Europe will be decided at the level of investment. Either we are able to invest or we are not, and then we lose”, he said.
Von der Leyen insisted that an increase in the EU budget would have to be financed sooner or later either with higher contributions from the member states or with additional EU own resources. When asked whether she supported the initiative by Estonian Prime Minister Kaja Kallas and French President Emmanuel Macron to finance the European defense industry with new EU debt, the Commission President did not answer.
European Defense
European election 2024
European policy
Industrial policy
Wirtschaftspolitik
Opinion
How mediocrity jeopardizes the European project
By Michael Zürn and Steffen Huck
Michael Zürn and Steffen Huck are directors at the Social Science Research Center Berlin. Zürn heads the Global Governance Department, Huck the Economics of Change Department.
European integration has never been crisis-free. The response to crises and upheavals has usually been to deepen European integration. The economic Eurosclerosis of the 1980s led to the single market program. Fears about German unification were countered with the creation of the euro. And the same logic applies to the series of economic and political crises that have since taken Europe’s breath away.
In response to the financial crisis, the “bazooka” and the euro protective shield were unpacked. Although the euro has lost a total of 45% in value against the Swiss franc since 2007, it could have been worse. And not all countries can follow the Swiss business model.
The European project has stalled since Lisbon
However, the responses to the crisis have remained fragmented since the Lisbon Treaty. Although the crises of the 2000s also led to a de facto strengthening of the European institutions, they no longer fueled the European project as such, even if they offered unique opportunities to do so. Crises can help to overcome hurdles that cannot be overcome in a normal situation.
The idea that far-reaching economic integration should be followed by correspondingly far-reaching political integration has come to nothing in the last two decades. The European project has stalled since Lisbon. So there is still no common migration policy and all member states still have the right of veto. Good for Hungary!
Germany is not least to blame for the lethargy in integration policy. This is not even primarily about the many European initiatives that Germany has blocked in the EU, the list of which is long (think of the combustion engine or medical protective equipment during the pandemic). This applies in particular to the major issues of debt mutualization or a common defense policy. Germany’s European policy clings to the institutional status quo and lets promising initiatives by its partners come to nothing.
Integration of security policy and the military
In view of the recent crises with a strengthening right wing and the Russian war of aggression on Ukraine, the European project could be given a new boost on an unprecedented scale if only Germany took European integration seriously again. If Putin controls Kyiv and Trump controls Washington at the end of the year, Europe will be challenged. The point will then have been reached where the EU will not need us, but it will be us who need Europe. “Our tanks” will not be enough.
We Germans like to see ourselves as the ones who contribute more to Europe than anyone else. Nobody pays as much into the EU as we do (no matter how you measure it: in absolute terms, as part of GDP or per capita), and nobody takes in more refugees. We are the good guys, we stand by Europe! But do we really? If we did, if we were really serious about Europe, then the European project must now be driven forward and deepened. However, the integration of security policyand the military can only succeed in a democratic union. And this is where the importance of the European elections becomes clear.
Only the best should go to Brussels
The fact that we do not attach enough importance to Europe and its elections is already evident in the political personnel that we send to the European institutions. We should have our best people in the EU Commission, the EU Parliament and the leadership of other European organizations such as the European Investment Bank. Instead: Klaus Hänsch and Hans-Gert Pöttering and Werner Hoyer and a failed Defense Minister Ursula von der Leyen, who was not elected as a top candidate. We don’t even want to talk about the next levels. Those who don’t make it to the state parliament in their party run for the European Parliament. You earn a lot more there and are out of the way.
There is by no means a lack of talent. It’s just that we have created a system in which nobody believes that anything more than money can be made in European institutions. Stately tax-free incomes in Brussels and Strasbourg have degenerated into a consolation prize and are ideally suited to making unwelcome companions offers they cannot refuse. However, the European project can only be developed further if we make the best and most talented people available for it.
Organizing our own protection with Europe
At the same time, the next stage of European integration must be accompanied by a clear democratization. The European elections must become an institution where voters know what a cross for a candidate and party means politically. In the absence of political debates on the European path, in the absence of Europe-wide electoral lists, and in view of the de facto appointment of the President of the Commission by the Council, the primordial democratic act degenerates into a ritualized punishment of the current national governments.
Is it too late? Anyone studying the developments on the front in Ukraine must ask themselves this question. If we want to take Europe seriously, it is now high time to rethink, at least in very concrete terms, and that means one thing above all: first taking elections, politicizing Europe, and using it to organize our own protection.
There is not much time left for a rethink
The first step is to put our best forces up for election and send them to Europe. Only they can generate the necessary attention in the European elections. This also means not standing in the way of other member states if they have better candidates for individual positions, but also standing up to them if they believe they can push through weaker candidates on the basis of pure proportional representation.
Otherwise, we would continue to find ourselves in a spiral of mediocrity that would put the once-so-successful European project in the worst possible danger. And thus, from 2025 at the latest, our security as well. The penultimate sentence is in the subjunctive mood to express a little hope. Of course, we don’t have much time left for such a rethink. Steffen Huck and Michael Zürn
