The 18th Asia-Pacific Conference (APK) in New Delhi has concluded – along with our special weekend coverage. Starting tomorrow, you’ll once again receive our full spectrum of China insights as usual.
Although China was not a guest at the APK, the country frequently came up in panel discussions, keynotes, and side conversations – perhaps precisely because of its absence. Today, in our Feature, you’ll find a summary of the conference, key takeaways and remaining open questions.
In our final APK-Heads segment, we introduce Alicia García-Herrero. The economist expressed a desire for greater transparency around the EU’s infrastructure initiative, the self-proclaimed BRI alternative, Global Gateway, as she shared with my colleague Manuel Liu.
We say farewell from New Delhi. The next APK will be held in Seoul in 2026.
नमस्ते (Namasté) India and 안녕하세요 (Annyeonghaseyo) Korea!
Although China was not present at the 18th Asia-Pacific Conference (APK) in New Delhi, discussions frequently returned to the question of how Germany and Europe can position themselves amid global geopolitical conflicts, especially with China and other nations vying for top positions. The panels and side conversations focused on de-risking, innovation capabilities and relations with the Global South – and at times, values, visions and the general mood in Germany.
India, for its part, presented itself with obvious confidence. Prime Minister Narendra Modi underscored India’s assets: strong economic growth, a skilled workforce and favorable production conditions.
India’s Trade Minister Piyush Goyal stressed that India negotiates from a position of strength. Respect for mutual interests has enabled rapid progress in past negotiations. India, Goyal explained, offers its partners access to a vast market of young, motivated individuals but also draws boundaries, citing milk production as a sector he cannot open.
Chancellor Olaf Scholz pushed for a swift conclusion of a free trade agreement, suggesting that “it could be done in months, not years”. The German government, he added, is fully on board, noting, “We must be more ambitious”. He emphasized that now is the time to back up words with actions and strengthen economic ties with India, a relationship with “significant potential”.
New Delhi was a fitting location for the conference’s core theme: de-risking. German companies are exploring ways to diversify and reduce their dependency on China. With a growth rate of around 7 percent, India holds considerable potential as an alternative for parts of China’s business share. For companies like Braun, BASF, and Samsung, the question now centers on how to pursue de-risking.
BASF CEO Markus Kamieth views de-risking as standard business practice, highlighted by recent disruptions to supply chains during the pandemic. “Strategically, reliance on a single source of raw materials, country or technology should be avoided,” he stated. BASF has already analyzed potential risks stemming from geopolitical changes and is relocating production to regions where products will be sold.
“Due to the very successful globalization, especially in the 2010s, one or two risks may have been lost sight of,” concludes Kamieth. “For us, de-risking has always been part of our DNA, as we bring our production to the markets in which we ultimately want to sell our products.” Based on the experience of the last four or five years, BASF has analyzed where risks could potentially lie if things change geopolitically and a supply chain disruption arises.
Sabine Stricker-Kellerer, an international attorney who has advised European companies on the legal aspects of their China operations for over 30 years, observed that de-risking isn’t universally accepted among all Asia-Pacific Conference (APK) participants.
“The managers in China are solely focused on continuing their business operations successfully within China’s framework,” Stricker-Kellerer told Table.Briefings. Representatives from China and the region attending the APK are optimistic, discussing how to continue thriving in China. However, she notes a distinct contrast: “The parent companies from Germany or Europe attending APK are instead focused on de-risking. They’re concerned about dependencies and risks, and there’s a consensus that China has changed, making risk analysis necessary.”
On the political level, there’s a clear consensus since the publication of the China Strategy that China has changed, and that de-risking and diversification are necessary. “How we handle the fear of Chinese countermeasures and the ‘fear of missing out’ is still an open question,” Stricker-Kellerer said.
When companies decide to shift part of their production to India, they should avoid doing so naively, advises Anandi Iyer, head of Fraunhofer India. Iyer highlighted challenges for German companies accustomed to homogenous markets, especially given India’s societal structure. Companies need patience. “When segmenting customers, there are six layers here: the truly wealthy, the wealthy, and the somewhat wealthy, as well as a large middle class further divided into upper, lower, and middle-middle segments, each with distinct concerns and purchasing power.”
German firms need time to devise a sound strategy and find trusted partners to collaborate with closely. “It’s beneficial to work with established institutions that understand both German and Indian mindsets, like AHK or Fraunhofer,” recommends Iyer.
The question remains: What does India really want? Prime Minister Modi and Minister Goyal made it clear that India can confidently choose its partners. What can the West offer, and how has it behaved as a partner so far? “The world is entering a new era,” said Samir Puri, Associate Fellow at Chatham House’s UK in the World Program. These offers now involve not just material benefits but also values and worldviews. “There are now multiple options,” said Puri during an Oxford-style debate on “Competing Offers to the Global South.”
Puri referenced comments by European Council President Charles Michel, who viewed recent criticism of India’s participation in the BRICS summit in Kazan, Russia, with skepticism. Michel told the Financial Times that the EU should show more respect toward developing countries with whom it has signed strategic trade or cooperation agreements. “We are convinced we know what’s right and wrong, yet we don’t make the effort to understand why other countries may think differently,” Michel said. “In Europe… there’s a reflex that borders on condescension.”
Romana Vlahutin, Distinguished Fellow for Geostrategy at the German Marshall Fund, emphasized the mutual dependencies involved: “The North needs resources, the South needs investments. The North needs labor, the South needs jobs.” For Vlahutin, a former EU ambassador, the relationship between the West and the Global South must evolve: “More equality is the future of our partnership.”
This evolution will be reassessed in two years when the 19th APK is held in Seoul, South Korea, in 2026.
The new president of the World Uyghur Congress (WUC) is Turgunjan Alawdun, a legal scholar and Islamic studies expert. The 58-year-old was elected Saturday evening during the 8th General Assembly in Sarajevo, Bosnia, succeeding Dolkun Isa. Alawdun ran unopposed.
Alawdun, a German citizen, has lived in Munich since 1999. He studied in Cairo in the 1990s before moving to Germany. As a young man, he became actively involved in Uyghur advocacy, and since WUC’s founding in 2004, he has held various roles within the organization, including most recently as Special Envoy to the Muslim World.
Unable to practice law in Germany, Alawdun has been supporting his family by working as a taxi driver in Munich. However, he is expected to assume a full-time role as president of the WUC. Alawdun accepted the candidacy after other potential candidates declined out of concern for the safety of family members still in Xinjiang, where two of his four siblings also reside.
Alawdun’s predecessor, Dolkun Isa, was not eligible for re-election after serving two terms and had stepped down in May amid allegations of sexual misconduct.
The General Assembly faced threats from unknown sources, including murder threats against members of the WUC leadership and warnings of potential sabotage. Dozens of Bosnian security officers were deployed to monitor access to conference areas and the hotel halls where delegates were staying. grz
Alicia García-Herrero doesn’t fool herself. Her work has become more challenging. She’s not referring to her main roles as a Senior Fellow at the prestigious European think tank Bruegel and as Chief Economist for the French investment bank Natixis in the Asia-Pacific region.
Instead, she means that the underlying job has become more complicated: “It’s very difficult to obtain good information about China. Either the data is nonexistent or it’s been manipulated. Even being on the ground in China is no guarantee of getting better information,” García-Herrero says. The economist advises that a certain level of groundedness is healthy: “Social sciences cannot uncover everything in such a complex world. History has shown us that we can be mistaken.” In today’s environment, being well-informed is even more crucial to avoid being swept up in the polarization surrounding China: “It’s very hard to remain neutral.”
The Spaniard is a career changer in the China bubble. She grew up near Madrid, studied economics and earned her PhD at George Washington University in the US. She has also worked for the Kiel Institute for the World Economy, the European Central Bank and the World Bank.
She shifted her focus to China to satisfy her thirst for knowledge. In the 1990s, she worked for the International Monetary Fund. Whether she was studying the economies of Venezuela or Armenia, China was often the missing piece needed to answer her questions. García-Herrero built her expertise in China not through Sinology lectures but through firsthand experience, moving to Hong Kong and then to Shanghai.
She has worked for the Bank of Spain and a Chinese bank. Once, she tried to persuade Chinese local authorities to invest their pension funds in the then-nascent euro. She didn’t immediately understand the politicians’ reluctance. She quickly realized that it was impossible to “catch up” on her knowledge of China in a short time: “A decade would be better,” she thought.
While she regrets that fewer young Europeans are studying Sinology these days, she sees a significant advantage for people like herself, who engage with China but lack a degree in Chinese studies: “Over time, I’ve found that Sinologists have difficulties because their work depends on access to China, and the relationships with Chinese officials are asymmetrical.” As an economist, she feels freer in her quest for understanding because she is not reliant on field research in China for her work.
Today, she is a vital voice for both financial institutions and policymakers, particularly in areas like international trade, currency issues, and macroeconomic trends. The Spanish government seeks her advice; she claims to receive about 20 to 30 media inquiries daily, with panel organizers vying for her time.
García-Herrero is also a committed European and is concerned about recent election results in European countries. The rise of far-right and Eurosceptic parties will negatively impact the EU’s strategy in the Global South, she warns: “An inward focus is very dangerous for countries. Historically, Europe’s success has always been rooted in looking outward. The Global Gateway is one such opportunity. But that only works if we act as a unit.”
She summarizes that the current Global Gateway initiatives are insufficient to counter China’s ambitions in the Global South. The EU must also catch up in terms of timing. García-Herrero sees potential for the EU to gain an advantage through transparency: “We can do a much better job of public relations than China. But the projects are not really transparent, which is truly unfortunate,” she says.
García-Herrero generally observes, “China has risen and is directly competing with Europe, which I frankly have expected for a long time.” For a long time, she heard that Europe was one step ahead of the People’s Republic. Many of those “naive” voices came from Germany. Now, one must confront the harsh reality of a new game in which China is treated as an equal partner.
This very strategic challenge is what excites her about her profession after all these years: “It’s time for us to really work on our competitiveness, to find China’s blind spots and to recognize what works and what doesn’t in China.” As an economist, she believes she can contribute – despite her work becoming more difficult. Manuel Liu
For the Festival of Lights, Diwali, homes and apartments are decorated with lamps, candles and lanterns. If you have some extra time for a shopping tour after the Asia-Pacific Conference, you can pick up lanterns and lamps as souvenirs at New Delhi’s markets. Be sure not to miss these three markets: Chandni Chowk, Krishna Nagar and Sarojini Nagar. In addition to lanterns, you’ll find plenty of other Diwali decorations, festive outfits and small keepsakes there.
The 18th Asia-Pacific Conference (APK) in New Delhi has concluded – along with our special weekend coverage. Starting tomorrow, you’ll once again receive our full spectrum of China insights as usual.
Although China was not a guest at the APK, the country frequently came up in panel discussions, keynotes, and side conversations – perhaps precisely because of its absence. Today, in our Feature, you’ll find a summary of the conference, key takeaways and remaining open questions.
In our final APK-Heads segment, we introduce Alicia García-Herrero. The economist expressed a desire for greater transparency around the EU’s infrastructure initiative, the self-proclaimed BRI alternative, Global Gateway, as she shared with my colleague Manuel Liu.
We say farewell from New Delhi. The next APK will be held in Seoul in 2026.
नमस्ते (Namasté) India and 안녕하세요 (Annyeonghaseyo) Korea!
Although China was not present at the 18th Asia-Pacific Conference (APK) in New Delhi, discussions frequently returned to the question of how Germany and Europe can position themselves amid global geopolitical conflicts, especially with China and other nations vying for top positions. The panels and side conversations focused on de-risking, innovation capabilities and relations with the Global South – and at times, values, visions and the general mood in Germany.
India, for its part, presented itself with obvious confidence. Prime Minister Narendra Modi underscored India’s assets: strong economic growth, a skilled workforce and favorable production conditions.
India’s Trade Minister Piyush Goyal stressed that India negotiates from a position of strength. Respect for mutual interests has enabled rapid progress in past negotiations. India, Goyal explained, offers its partners access to a vast market of young, motivated individuals but also draws boundaries, citing milk production as a sector he cannot open.
Chancellor Olaf Scholz pushed for a swift conclusion of a free trade agreement, suggesting that “it could be done in months, not years”. The German government, he added, is fully on board, noting, “We must be more ambitious”. He emphasized that now is the time to back up words with actions and strengthen economic ties with India, a relationship with “significant potential”.
New Delhi was a fitting location for the conference’s core theme: de-risking. German companies are exploring ways to diversify and reduce their dependency on China. With a growth rate of around 7 percent, India holds considerable potential as an alternative for parts of China’s business share. For companies like Braun, BASF, and Samsung, the question now centers on how to pursue de-risking.
BASF CEO Markus Kamieth views de-risking as standard business practice, highlighted by recent disruptions to supply chains during the pandemic. “Strategically, reliance on a single source of raw materials, country or technology should be avoided,” he stated. BASF has already analyzed potential risks stemming from geopolitical changes and is relocating production to regions where products will be sold.
“Due to the very successful globalization, especially in the 2010s, one or two risks may have been lost sight of,” concludes Kamieth. “For us, de-risking has always been part of our DNA, as we bring our production to the markets in which we ultimately want to sell our products.” Based on the experience of the last four or five years, BASF has analyzed where risks could potentially lie if things change geopolitically and a supply chain disruption arises.
Sabine Stricker-Kellerer, an international attorney who has advised European companies on the legal aspects of their China operations for over 30 years, observed that de-risking isn’t universally accepted among all Asia-Pacific Conference (APK) participants.
“The managers in China are solely focused on continuing their business operations successfully within China’s framework,” Stricker-Kellerer told Table.Briefings. Representatives from China and the region attending the APK are optimistic, discussing how to continue thriving in China. However, she notes a distinct contrast: “The parent companies from Germany or Europe attending APK are instead focused on de-risking. They’re concerned about dependencies and risks, and there’s a consensus that China has changed, making risk analysis necessary.”
On the political level, there’s a clear consensus since the publication of the China Strategy that China has changed, and that de-risking and diversification are necessary. “How we handle the fear of Chinese countermeasures and the ‘fear of missing out’ is still an open question,” Stricker-Kellerer said.
When companies decide to shift part of their production to India, they should avoid doing so naively, advises Anandi Iyer, head of Fraunhofer India. Iyer highlighted challenges for German companies accustomed to homogenous markets, especially given India’s societal structure. Companies need patience. “When segmenting customers, there are six layers here: the truly wealthy, the wealthy, and the somewhat wealthy, as well as a large middle class further divided into upper, lower, and middle-middle segments, each with distinct concerns and purchasing power.”
German firms need time to devise a sound strategy and find trusted partners to collaborate with closely. “It’s beneficial to work with established institutions that understand both German and Indian mindsets, like AHK or Fraunhofer,” recommends Iyer.
The question remains: What does India really want? Prime Minister Modi and Minister Goyal made it clear that India can confidently choose its partners. What can the West offer, and how has it behaved as a partner so far? “The world is entering a new era,” said Samir Puri, Associate Fellow at Chatham House’s UK in the World Program. These offers now involve not just material benefits but also values and worldviews. “There are now multiple options,” said Puri during an Oxford-style debate on “Competing Offers to the Global South.”
Puri referenced comments by European Council President Charles Michel, who viewed recent criticism of India’s participation in the BRICS summit in Kazan, Russia, with skepticism. Michel told the Financial Times that the EU should show more respect toward developing countries with whom it has signed strategic trade or cooperation agreements. “We are convinced we know what’s right and wrong, yet we don’t make the effort to understand why other countries may think differently,” Michel said. “In Europe… there’s a reflex that borders on condescension.”
Romana Vlahutin, Distinguished Fellow for Geostrategy at the German Marshall Fund, emphasized the mutual dependencies involved: “The North needs resources, the South needs investments. The North needs labor, the South needs jobs.” For Vlahutin, a former EU ambassador, the relationship between the West and the Global South must evolve: “More equality is the future of our partnership.”
This evolution will be reassessed in two years when the 19th APK is held in Seoul, South Korea, in 2026.
The new president of the World Uyghur Congress (WUC) is Turgunjan Alawdun, a legal scholar and Islamic studies expert. The 58-year-old was elected Saturday evening during the 8th General Assembly in Sarajevo, Bosnia, succeeding Dolkun Isa. Alawdun ran unopposed.
Alawdun, a German citizen, has lived in Munich since 1999. He studied in Cairo in the 1990s before moving to Germany. As a young man, he became actively involved in Uyghur advocacy, and since WUC’s founding in 2004, he has held various roles within the organization, including most recently as Special Envoy to the Muslim World.
Unable to practice law in Germany, Alawdun has been supporting his family by working as a taxi driver in Munich. However, he is expected to assume a full-time role as president of the WUC. Alawdun accepted the candidacy after other potential candidates declined out of concern for the safety of family members still in Xinjiang, where two of his four siblings also reside.
Alawdun’s predecessor, Dolkun Isa, was not eligible for re-election after serving two terms and had stepped down in May amid allegations of sexual misconduct.
The General Assembly faced threats from unknown sources, including murder threats against members of the WUC leadership and warnings of potential sabotage. Dozens of Bosnian security officers were deployed to monitor access to conference areas and the hotel halls where delegates were staying. grz
Alicia García-Herrero doesn’t fool herself. Her work has become more challenging. She’s not referring to her main roles as a Senior Fellow at the prestigious European think tank Bruegel and as Chief Economist for the French investment bank Natixis in the Asia-Pacific region.
Instead, she means that the underlying job has become more complicated: “It’s very difficult to obtain good information about China. Either the data is nonexistent or it’s been manipulated. Even being on the ground in China is no guarantee of getting better information,” García-Herrero says. The economist advises that a certain level of groundedness is healthy: “Social sciences cannot uncover everything in such a complex world. History has shown us that we can be mistaken.” In today’s environment, being well-informed is even more crucial to avoid being swept up in the polarization surrounding China: “It’s very hard to remain neutral.”
The Spaniard is a career changer in the China bubble. She grew up near Madrid, studied economics and earned her PhD at George Washington University in the US. She has also worked for the Kiel Institute for the World Economy, the European Central Bank and the World Bank.
She shifted her focus to China to satisfy her thirst for knowledge. In the 1990s, she worked for the International Monetary Fund. Whether she was studying the economies of Venezuela or Armenia, China was often the missing piece needed to answer her questions. García-Herrero built her expertise in China not through Sinology lectures but through firsthand experience, moving to Hong Kong and then to Shanghai.
She has worked for the Bank of Spain and a Chinese bank. Once, she tried to persuade Chinese local authorities to invest their pension funds in the then-nascent euro. She didn’t immediately understand the politicians’ reluctance. She quickly realized that it was impossible to “catch up” on her knowledge of China in a short time: “A decade would be better,” she thought.
While she regrets that fewer young Europeans are studying Sinology these days, she sees a significant advantage for people like herself, who engage with China but lack a degree in Chinese studies: “Over time, I’ve found that Sinologists have difficulties because their work depends on access to China, and the relationships with Chinese officials are asymmetrical.” As an economist, she feels freer in her quest for understanding because she is not reliant on field research in China for her work.
Today, she is a vital voice for both financial institutions and policymakers, particularly in areas like international trade, currency issues, and macroeconomic trends. The Spanish government seeks her advice; she claims to receive about 20 to 30 media inquiries daily, with panel organizers vying for her time.
García-Herrero is also a committed European and is concerned about recent election results in European countries. The rise of far-right and Eurosceptic parties will negatively impact the EU’s strategy in the Global South, she warns: “An inward focus is very dangerous for countries. Historically, Europe’s success has always been rooted in looking outward. The Global Gateway is one such opportunity. But that only works if we act as a unit.”
She summarizes that the current Global Gateway initiatives are insufficient to counter China’s ambitions in the Global South. The EU must also catch up in terms of timing. García-Herrero sees potential for the EU to gain an advantage through transparency: “We can do a much better job of public relations than China. But the projects are not really transparent, which is truly unfortunate,” she says.
García-Herrero generally observes, “China has risen and is directly competing with Europe, which I frankly have expected for a long time.” For a long time, she heard that Europe was one step ahead of the People’s Republic. Many of those “naive” voices came from Germany. Now, one must confront the harsh reality of a new game in which China is treated as an equal partner.
This very strategic challenge is what excites her about her profession after all these years: “It’s time for us to really work on our competitiveness, to find China’s blind spots and to recognize what works and what doesn’t in China.” As an economist, she believes she can contribute – despite her work becoming more difficult. Manuel Liu
For the Festival of Lights, Diwali, homes and apartments are decorated with lamps, candles and lanterns. If you have some extra time for a shopping tour after the Asia-Pacific Conference, you can pick up lanterns and lamps as souvenirs at New Delhi’s markets. Be sure not to miss these three markets: Chandni Chowk, Krishna Nagar and Sarojini Nagar. In addition to lanterns, you’ll find plenty of other Diwali decorations, festive outfits and small keepsakes there.
