How can one voice one’s anger in a highly censored environment? What form of protest can one choose in a world where even city names are erased from the Internet and historical events from the collective memory? The people currently taking to the streets in China have found a weapon that is as simple as it is brilliant: A white sheet of paper. “The white paper stands for everything we want to say but can’t,” explained a young protester in Beijing on Monday. What is great about it is that, unlike flowers or yellow umbrellas, almost everyone has white paper around the house. Banning it would be like fighting windmills.
Still, Beijing tries everything to quell the protests – now aptly named the “A4Revolution“. Police are now ever-present on the streets where people have gathered in recent days. They perform selective cell phone checks. Protesters receive calls from the authorities. Universities send students off early for the semester break. But the “A4” revolution is not over yet, as Michael Radunski analyzes. With creativity and irony, the protesters are still one step ahead of the censors.
Amid the protests, EU Council President Charles Michel will now travel to China. The timing is very delicate: Many MEPs call on him to send a clear signal to Beijing. European Parliament Vice-President Nicola Beer even suggests that Michel should confront Xi Jinping with a white sheet of paper. That this will happen is, of course, just as unlikely as Xi’s public apology for the out-of-control Covid restrictions in his country.
Clear results should not be expected from the meeting anyway, writes Amelie Richter. For the EU, the visit will be, at best, a chance to catch up after a long break. For Xi, however, the meeting could be an image boost. After all, a meeting of the EU-US dialogue on China and the Indo-Pacific region will be held in Washington at the same time. The Chinese press could therefore interpret Michel’s visit as evidence of cracks in the transatlantic friendship – after Scholz’s visit, another point scored by China’s strongman.
Be it in Beijing or Shanghai, Chengdu, Dali or Wuhan; be it the demand for Xi Jinping’s resignation, elections and freedom of expression or simply the end of zero-Covid – the protesters of the past few days in China have one thing in common: They hold a blank, white sheet of paper in their hands (China.Table reported).
“The white paper represents everything we want to say but can’t,” a young protester said in Beijing on Monday. “We want to live a normal life again. We want to have dignity.”
On Tuesday, the Chinese authorities managed to prevent a resurgence of protests through a massive police presence. The situation on the streets remained mostly calm. In addition, several universities sent their students home. Some universities even organized buses to take students to the train stations. The official word is that this is to prevent further Covid infections. But everyone knows what this step really aims to achieve: The end of the protests.
But the blank white sheet of paper continued to cause a stir on Tuesday – if not on the streets, then virtually in the digital media. Users posted empty white squares on their WeChat timelines or Weibo. The more courageous among them even posted photos of themselves holding empty sheets. The description of some pictures read, “Silence speaks louder. Those who understand, know.” Well-known dissident Badiucao created special images to support the protest and illustrate the power of the seemingly harmless symbol.
A video from Wuzhen also attracted a lot of attention: It shows a young woman walking through the alleys of the old town – her hands are chained, her mouth is sealed with tape and she is also carrying a blank white sheet of paper in her hands.
But like on the streets in China’s cities, the Chinese state takes merciless action against the symbol of resistance in the digital world: Images and videos like those from Wuzhen are being deleted. In the usual cat-and-mouse game between users and censors, new ingenious hashtags such as “WhitePaperExercise” or “A4Revolution” are constantly being created in reference to the size of that subversive weapon. Over and over again, they manage to outsmart the censors and spread people’s discontent digitally.
But it is an uneven match – and within a very short time, everything even remotely related to the blank pulp is blocked (China.Table reported). An empty white paper – the people use it to show that they are not allowed to express any dissent and that they can still scare the rulers.
The supposed announcement by one of China’s largest stationery companies then takes things to the extreme: It announced to immediately stop selling A4 paper in order to “ensure national security and stability”. A short time later, the company is forced to issue an official statement stating that the news is fake and that sales will of course continue as usual.
There are several reasons why a blank, white paper, of all things, became the symbol of the current protests. White is the color of mourning in China. The protests were triggered by the fire in a residential building in Urumqi, the capital of the Uyghur Autonomous Region of Xinjiang. Ten people lost their lives. With white people mourn for the deceased.
But observers and people hit by the fire quickly began to suspect that a possible rescue was hindered by strict Covid measures. And so people’s anger, grief and discontent began to turn against the Chinese government’s strict zero-Covid policy.
But how does one protest in a country where protesting is basically forbidden? In a country where hashtags and search keywords are blocked within a few hours. In a country where even chubby cartoon characters are censored because some may have seen a resemblance between Winnie the Pooh and the head of state. In a country where the state even completely erases the events of that summer 33 years ago – from books, from the classroom, from people’s memories. The answer: Protest must be elusive, creative, ironic. Like a blank, white sheet of paper.
Two years ago, Hong Kong activists had the same idea: At the time, they too held up blank white sheets of paper to the sky, avoiding slogans or keywords that are banned under the city’s new National Security Law.
When asked about this symbol, some protesters in Beijing over the weekend told an old Soviet joke: Once, a man eagerly distributed leaflets in Moscow’s Red Square, but this was a thorn in the side of the Russian police. At a nearby train station, they confronted the man and wanted to use the remaining leaflets to charge him with incitement to riot. However, to their astonishment, the officers found that all the leaflets were white. The man replied succinctly: “Everyone knows the problem. So why bother writing it down?“
One of many protesters summed it up this weekend at the protests as follows: “Are you going to arrest me for holding a sign with ”nothing” on it?” While terms like Tiananmen, 1989, or Liu Xiaobo may be banned in China, a white sheet is not enough to get arrested. At least so far.
The China trip of EU Council President Charles Michel comes at a delicate political time. After all, the EU Council President will be the first Western representative to meet President Xi Jinping since the start of the massive protests against zero-Covid. Moreover, the meeting between Xi and Michel is the first encounter at this high level since 2018.
MEPs in particular are calling for a clear signal from Michel to Beijing. However, it is unlikely that he will directly address the protests in the People’s Republic. Nor is any other major progress expected. For example, it is still open whether there will be a joint statement or press conference or merely separate statements after the meeting. What is already clear, however, is that Michel is a welcome photo op for Xi on Thursday. This is because an EU-US dialogue meeting on China and the Indo-Pacific region will be held in Washington on the same day.
The timing of the visit on December 1 is certainly problematic, explains Merics analyst Grzegorz Stec in conversation with China.Table. The fact that Michel will meet Xi on the very day of the dialogue between EU and US representatives in Beijing could create the feeling of cracks in transatlantic coordination. This is a win-win for Beijing, Stec believes. The delegation in Washington is headed by Stefano Sannino, Secretary General of the European External Action Service (EEAS) – so the meeting may be less high-level, but more effective at the working level.
Sannino is primarily responsible for geopolitical issues within the EEAS. According to EU circles, China’s role in the Russian war in Ukraine is once again on the agenda. It is safe to assume that the protests in the People’s Republic will also be a topic of discussion.
EU-China observer Stec believes that Michel’s trip “is unlikely to bring major practical results or signal a shift in EU-China relations.” The EU Council chief wanted to explore possible cooperation opportunities with the People’s Republic on key issues in Beijing, the EU side said before Michel departed from Brussels on Tuesday.
The list of discussion points is long: Michel and his interlocutors are expected to discuss geopolitical developments and economic and trade relations. “Other global challenges” such as climate change, health and rising food and energy prices are also to be discussed, according to preliminary information. A proper focus on one topic, or at least a general theme, is missing. The agenda is more of an all-around meeting, a first face-to-face after a long break.
Concrete talks on many points are difficult anyway. This is because Michel will not be accompanied by EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen. However, the Commission, as the highest EU authority, is in charge of implementing legislation like most trade instruments. Brussels is always represented by both at EU summits. The fact that Michel’s visit appears not to be coordinated with other European institutions is a disadvantage when it comes to external perception.
At their summit in October, the EU heads of state and government reportedly gave Michel a clear mandate for the approach to China (China.Table reported). At the EU summit, the familiar triad of partner-competitor-systemic rival was confirmed and a warning against excessive dependence was made. It is no secret that the various EU capitals have very different opinions on how to deal with the People’s Republic.
The EU Council president is also expected to address “questions about human rights and our values,” according to a briefing given to journalists at the end of last week, before the weekend protests in the People’s Republic. The “latest developments in Hong Kong and Xinjiang” were mentioned as topics at the time. It is unclear if and how the wave of protests in China could be raised at the meeting. So far, the EEAS has announced that it will monitor the events in the People’s Republic.
EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs Josep Borrell addressed the protests directly for the first time in Brussels on Tuesday. “These days we are seeing the growing costs of [China’s] zero-Covid policy and the growing concerns of Chinese citizens over the lockdowns.”
Members of the EU Parliament now expect Michel to send a clear signal. “Instead of a handshake, Council President Michel should unmistakably hold a white sheet in his hands,” demanded European Parliament Vice President Nicola Beer (FDP). Europe must unequivocally stand on the side of those who call for freedom of expression and demonstration, Beer told China.Table. “Europe must give these people political backing and not be a silent onlooker here.” Green Party MEP Reinhard Buetikofer and CDU MEP Michael Gahler also demanded a clear signal.
In practice, however, that could be difficult, believes Merics analyst Stec: “On one hand, he will need to raise the issue of protests alongside EU’s other concerns to show that the bloc is serious about human rights and systemic rivalry. On the other hand, he will not want that message to dominate the visit geared towards diplomatic reopening.” A diplomatic balancing act.
Sinolytics is a European research-based consultancy entirely focused on China. It advises European companies on their strategic orientation and concrete business activities in the People’s Republic.
Frank Kraushaar’s decision to study sinology was “completely clueless,” as he says today. “I wanted to live out my literary interests, but I wasn’t interested in classical European literary theories and doctrines.” He flipped through a study guide and came across sinology. “There was a sense of need to rethink literature,” Kraushaar recalls. He enrolled and soon realized that China’s older literature in particular was perfect for his pursuit. “Not to mention writing and language, the very history of literary genres is completely different from ancient Greek-Judeo-Christian-European.”
Kraushaar found what he was looking for in sinology – but for many years he had no connection to China. The visits to the country remained short and left a bitter aftertaste: “For me, the general perception at the time of China’s ‘rapid development’ had something self-deceiving about it,” says Kraushaar, recalling a stay in Hangzhou and Shanghai in the late 1990s. “Even during shorter visits, it became all too obvious that along with the brimming wealth grew a new poverty, unprecedented in China – an impoverishment of hope and confidence in the present and the future.”
Back in Germany, Kraushaar repeatedly turned away from contemporary China. Instead, he immersed himself in classical Chinese literature, which remained his research focus for many years. “But my attention to China has expanded and changed over time.” Kraushaar has lived in Latvia since 2004, when he began to look synchronously at the developments of modern China and Europe.
“In fact, this history ‘reads’ much differently when viewed not from the perspective of a leading European ‘cultural’ and ‘leadership’ nation – but from the position of countries that must assert their freedom and existence between claims to political and cultural supremacy.” Such as the Baltic States.
Kraushaar came to Latvia because of an invitation from the University of Latvia in Riga to participate in the establishment of a new institute for Asian studies. He later became its director. Various professorships of Chinese literature followed in Riga and Tallinn. “During this period, I tried to better connect sinology or Chinese studies institutionally in the Baltics, which was successful in some respects.” In 2015, Kraushaar introduced the Intercultural Communication Latvia-East Asia course at the Latvian Academy of Culture.
In the meantime, Kraushaar’s personal research has long since moved into the present. “You can’t really deal with ‘ancient China’ permanently without arriving in the now.” Last year, he finished a paper on Chinese cyberlyrics at a research college in Trier. At present, he researches the changing cultural memory of Chinese art and culture creators – and examines, among other things, texts from the 21st century. Svenja Napp
The recent protests have once again inspired China’s Internet users to create numerous illustrations and memes. Someone photoshopped the Wulumuqi Road sign into this “Abbey Road” Beatles album cover – an ironic nod to the men in construction helmets who dismantled said sign the day after the first protests in Shanghai and carried it off in lockstep.
How can one voice one’s anger in a highly censored environment? What form of protest can one choose in a world where even city names are erased from the Internet and historical events from the collective memory? The people currently taking to the streets in China have found a weapon that is as simple as it is brilliant: A white sheet of paper. “The white paper stands for everything we want to say but can’t,” explained a young protester in Beijing on Monday. What is great about it is that, unlike flowers or yellow umbrellas, almost everyone has white paper around the house. Banning it would be like fighting windmills.
Still, Beijing tries everything to quell the protests – now aptly named the “A4Revolution“. Police are now ever-present on the streets where people have gathered in recent days. They perform selective cell phone checks. Protesters receive calls from the authorities. Universities send students off early for the semester break. But the “A4” revolution is not over yet, as Michael Radunski analyzes. With creativity and irony, the protesters are still one step ahead of the censors.
Amid the protests, EU Council President Charles Michel will now travel to China. The timing is very delicate: Many MEPs call on him to send a clear signal to Beijing. European Parliament Vice-President Nicola Beer even suggests that Michel should confront Xi Jinping with a white sheet of paper. That this will happen is, of course, just as unlikely as Xi’s public apology for the out-of-control Covid restrictions in his country.
Clear results should not be expected from the meeting anyway, writes Amelie Richter. For the EU, the visit will be, at best, a chance to catch up after a long break. For Xi, however, the meeting could be an image boost. After all, a meeting of the EU-US dialogue on China and the Indo-Pacific region will be held in Washington at the same time. The Chinese press could therefore interpret Michel’s visit as evidence of cracks in the transatlantic friendship – after Scholz’s visit, another point scored by China’s strongman.
Be it in Beijing or Shanghai, Chengdu, Dali or Wuhan; be it the demand for Xi Jinping’s resignation, elections and freedom of expression or simply the end of zero-Covid – the protesters of the past few days in China have one thing in common: They hold a blank, white sheet of paper in their hands (China.Table reported).
“The white paper represents everything we want to say but can’t,” a young protester said in Beijing on Monday. “We want to live a normal life again. We want to have dignity.”
On Tuesday, the Chinese authorities managed to prevent a resurgence of protests through a massive police presence. The situation on the streets remained mostly calm. In addition, several universities sent their students home. Some universities even organized buses to take students to the train stations. The official word is that this is to prevent further Covid infections. But everyone knows what this step really aims to achieve: The end of the protests.
But the blank white sheet of paper continued to cause a stir on Tuesday – if not on the streets, then virtually in the digital media. Users posted empty white squares on their WeChat timelines or Weibo. The more courageous among them even posted photos of themselves holding empty sheets. The description of some pictures read, “Silence speaks louder. Those who understand, know.” Well-known dissident Badiucao created special images to support the protest and illustrate the power of the seemingly harmless symbol.
A video from Wuzhen also attracted a lot of attention: It shows a young woman walking through the alleys of the old town – her hands are chained, her mouth is sealed with tape and she is also carrying a blank white sheet of paper in her hands.
But like on the streets in China’s cities, the Chinese state takes merciless action against the symbol of resistance in the digital world: Images and videos like those from Wuzhen are being deleted. In the usual cat-and-mouse game between users and censors, new ingenious hashtags such as “WhitePaperExercise” or “A4Revolution” are constantly being created in reference to the size of that subversive weapon. Over and over again, they manage to outsmart the censors and spread people’s discontent digitally.
But it is an uneven match – and within a very short time, everything even remotely related to the blank pulp is blocked (China.Table reported). An empty white paper – the people use it to show that they are not allowed to express any dissent and that they can still scare the rulers.
The supposed announcement by one of China’s largest stationery companies then takes things to the extreme: It announced to immediately stop selling A4 paper in order to “ensure national security and stability”. A short time later, the company is forced to issue an official statement stating that the news is fake and that sales will of course continue as usual.
There are several reasons why a blank, white paper, of all things, became the symbol of the current protests. White is the color of mourning in China. The protests were triggered by the fire in a residential building in Urumqi, the capital of the Uyghur Autonomous Region of Xinjiang. Ten people lost their lives. With white people mourn for the deceased.
But observers and people hit by the fire quickly began to suspect that a possible rescue was hindered by strict Covid measures. And so people’s anger, grief and discontent began to turn against the Chinese government’s strict zero-Covid policy.
But how does one protest in a country where protesting is basically forbidden? In a country where hashtags and search keywords are blocked within a few hours. In a country where even chubby cartoon characters are censored because some may have seen a resemblance between Winnie the Pooh and the head of state. In a country where the state even completely erases the events of that summer 33 years ago – from books, from the classroom, from people’s memories. The answer: Protest must be elusive, creative, ironic. Like a blank, white sheet of paper.
Two years ago, Hong Kong activists had the same idea: At the time, they too held up blank white sheets of paper to the sky, avoiding slogans or keywords that are banned under the city’s new National Security Law.
When asked about this symbol, some protesters in Beijing over the weekend told an old Soviet joke: Once, a man eagerly distributed leaflets in Moscow’s Red Square, but this was a thorn in the side of the Russian police. At a nearby train station, they confronted the man and wanted to use the remaining leaflets to charge him with incitement to riot. However, to their astonishment, the officers found that all the leaflets were white. The man replied succinctly: “Everyone knows the problem. So why bother writing it down?“
One of many protesters summed it up this weekend at the protests as follows: “Are you going to arrest me for holding a sign with ”nothing” on it?” While terms like Tiananmen, 1989, or Liu Xiaobo may be banned in China, a white sheet is not enough to get arrested. At least so far.
The China trip of EU Council President Charles Michel comes at a delicate political time. After all, the EU Council President will be the first Western representative to meet President Xi Jinping since the start of the massive protests against zero-Covid. Moreover, the meeting between Xi and Michel is the first encounter at this high level since 2018.
MEPs in particular are calling for a clear signal from Michel to Beijing. However, it is unlikely that he will directly address the protests in the People’s Republic. Nor is any other major progress expected. For example, it is still open whether there will be a joint statement or press conference or merely separate statements after the meeting. What is already clear, however, is that Michel is a welcome photo op for Xi on Thursday. This is because an EU-US dialogue meeting on China and the Indo-Pacific region will be held in Washington on the same day.
The timing of the visit on December 1 is certainly problematic, explains Merics analyst Grzegorz Stec in conversation with China.Table. The fact that Michel will meet Xi on the very day of the dialogue between EU and US representatives in Beijing could create the feeling of cracks in transatlantic coordination. This is a win-win for Beijing, Stec believes. The delegation in Washington is headed by Stefano Sannino, Secretary General of the European External Action Service (EEAS) – so the meeting may be less high-level, but more effective at the working level.
Sannino is primarily responsible for geopolitical issues within the EEAS. According to EU circles, China’s role in the Russian war in Ukraine is once again on the agenda. It is safe to assume that the protests in the People’s Republic will also be a topic of discussion.
EU-China observer Stec believes that Michel’s trip “is unlikely to bring major practical results or signal a shift in EU-China relations.” The EU Council chief wanted to explore possible cooperation opportunities with the People’s Republic on key issues in Beijing, the EU side said before Michel departed from Brussels on Tuesday.
The list of discussion points is long: Michel and his interlocutors are expected to discuss geopolitical developments and economic and trade relations. “Other global challenges” such as climate change, health and rising food and energy prices are also to be discussed, according to preliminary information. A proper focus on one topic, or at least a general theme, is missing. The agenda is more of an all-around meeting, a first face-to-face after a long break.
Concrete talks on many points are difficult anyway. This is because Michel will not be accompanied by EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen. However, the Commission, as the highest EU authority, is in charge of implementing legislation like most trade instruments. Brussels is always represented by both at EU summits. The fact that Michel’s visit appears not to be coordinated with other European institutions is a disadvantage when it comes to external perception.
At their summit in October, the EU heads of state and government reportedly gave Michel a clear mandate for the approach to China (China.Table reported). At the EU summit, the familiar triad of partner-competitor-systemic rival was confirmed and a warning against excessive dependence was made. It is no secret that the various EU capitals have very different opinions on how to deal with the People’s Republic.
The EU Council president is also expected to address “questions about human rights and our values,” according to a briefing given to journalists at the end of last week, before the weekend protests in the People’s Republic. The “latest developments in Hong Kong and Xinjiang” were mentioned as topics at the time. It is unclear if and how the wave of protests in China could be raised at the meeting. So far, the EEAS has announced that it will monitor the events in the People’s Republic.
EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs Josep Borrell addressed the protests directly for the first time in Brussels on Tuesday. “These days we are seeing the growing costs of [China’s] zero-Covid policy and the growing concerns of Chinese citizens over the lockdowns.”
Members of the EU Parliament now expect Michel to send a clear signal. “Instead of a handshake, Council President Michel should unmistakably hold a white sheet in his hands,” demanded European Parliament Vice President Nicola Beer (FDP). Europe must unequivocally stand on the side of those who call for freedom of expression and demonstration, Beer told China.Table. “Europe must give these people political backing and not be a silent onlooker here.” Green Party MEP Reinhard Buetikofer and CDU MEP Michael Gahler also demanded a clear signal.
In practice, however, that could be difficult, believes Merics analyst Stec: “On one hand, he will need to raise the issue of protests alongside EU’s other concerns to show that the bloc is serious about human rights and systemic rivalry. On the other hand, he will not want that message to dominate the visit geared towards diplomatic reopening.” A diplomatic balancing act.
Sinolytics is a European research-based consultancy entirely focused on China. It advises European companies on their strategic orientation and concrete business activities in the People’s Republic.
Frank Kraushaar’s decision to study sinology was “completely clueless,” as he says today. “I wanted to live out my literary interests, but I wasn’t interested in classical European literary theories and doctrines.” He flipped through a study guide and came across sinology. “There was a sense of need to rethink literature,” Kraushaar recalls. He enrolled and soon realized that China’s older literature in particular was perfect for his pursuit. “Not to mention writing and language, the very history of literary genres is completely different from ancient Greek-Judeo-Christian-European.”
Kraushaar found what he was looking for in sinology – but for many years he had no connection to China. The visits to the country remained short and left a bitter aftertaste: “For me, the general perception at the time of China’s ‘rapid development’ had something self-deceiving about it,” says Kraushaar, recalling a stay in Hangzhou and Shanghai in the late 1990s. “Even during shorter visits, it became all too obvious that along with the brimming wealth grew a new poverty, unprecedented in China – an impoverishment of hope and confidence in the present and the future.”
Back in Germany, Kraushaar repeatedly turned away from contemporary China. Instead, he immersed himself in classical Chinese literature, which remained his research focus for many years. “But my attention to China has expanded and changed over time.” Kraushaar has lived in Latvia since 2004, when he began to look synchronously at the developments of modern China and Europe.
“In fact, this history ‘reads’ much differently when viewed not from the perspective of a leading European ‘cultural’ and ‘leadership’ nation – but from the position of countries that must assert their freedom and existence between claims to political and cultural supremacy.” Such as the Baltic States.
Kraushaar came to Latvia because of an invitation from the University of Latvia in Riga to participate in the establishment of a new institute for Asian studies. He later became its director. Various professorships of Chinese literature followed in Riga and Tallinn. “During this period, I tried to better connect sinology or Chinese studies institutionally in the Baltics, which was successful in some respects.” In 2015, Kraushaar introduced the Intercultural Communication Latvia-East Asia course at the Latvian Academy of Culture.
In the meantime, Kraushaar’s personal research has long since moved into the present. “You can’t really deal with ‘ancient China’ permanently without arriving in the now.” Last year, he finished a paper on Chinese cyberlyrics at a research college in Trier. At present, he researches the changing cultural memory of Chinese art and culture creators – and examines, among other things, texts from the 21st century. Svenja Napp
The recent protests have once again inspired China’s Internet users to create numerous illustrations and memes. Someone photoshopped the Wulumuqi Road sign into this “Abbey Road” Beatles album cover – an ironic nod to the men in construction helmets who dismantled said sign the day after the first protests in Shanghai and carried it off in lockstep.
