Tinian is probably best known to historians, not so much because the small island in the Pacific Ocean was once part of the colony of German New Guinea. Instead, because one of the worst chapters in human history started on this island in the Northern Mariana Islands. On 6 August 1945, the B-29 bomber “Enola Gay” took off from the local US military airfield “North Field” and dropped the first atomic bomb shortly afterward.
Almost 80 years later, Tinian again appears to shift into the focus of geostrategists and politicians. The US plans to rebuild its former military base in the Pacific. “If you pay attention in the next few months, you will see significant progress, especially at Tinian North,” General Kenneth Wilsbach, commander of the US Pacific Air Forces, told Nikkei Asia in an interview. The Pacific Air Forces confirmed the US plans, but did not make an official statement. The US Air Force’s budget request for the 2024 fiscal year includes 78 million US dollars for construction projects on Tinian.
This represents a significant escalation of the situation in the South China Sea. China claims practically the entire South China Sea – including areas in the exclusive economic zones (EEZs) of neighboring countries. There is a lot at stake: current resources (rich fishing grounds) and future resources (potential oil and gas deposits), global trade (almost one in three shipping containers passes through the South China Sea), military and geostrategy.
The US strategy behind the reconstruction of Tinian is called Agile Combat Employment, ACE for short. The US Air Force aims to “shift operations from centralized physical infrastructures to a network of smaller, dispersed locations that can complicate adversary planning and provide more options for joint force commander.” This is because a large part of the US Air Force in the Pacific is stationed at only a few large airbases – on Guam or Okinawa. This makes the US units a comparatively easy target.
An analysis by the Air University of the US Air Force from 2022 states that ACE would help mitigate Chinese threats by spreading its own forces across the theater of operations, making their deployment unpredictable and forcing the People’s Liberation Army to make greater use of missiles.
China’s Ministry of Defense subsequently warned of a further deterioration of the situation. The Chinese military is keeping a close eye on the US plans. The spokesperson for the Ministry of Defense in Beijing announced that China’s maritime rights, security and sovereignty in the region will be firmly defended. On Wednesday, the military’s Southern Theatre Command announced routine patrols in the South China Sea shortly.
The Philippines, in particular, feel the effects of how firmly China defends its claims. Most recently, water cannons were fired, and several vessels were even rammed. Another incident involved China erecting a sea barrier to keep Philippine vessels from the disputed Scarborough Shoal.
Manila is aware of the military imbalance and focuses on “assertive transparency.” As former US Air Force pilot Raymond Powell told Table.Media, “With this new campaign, the Philippines is trying to defend itself against China’s ‘grey zone’ tactics.” Powell now heads Sealight, a project on transparency in maritime law at Stanford University.
Now, hardware is to follow. A few days ago, a Japanese radar system was set up on the north-west coast of the Philippines’ largest island. Located around 300 kilometers from the disputed Scarborough Shoal, it will monitor areas where recent clashes with Chinese vessels have occurred.
The system is part of a comprehensive modernization of the Philippine armed forces. An important aspect is that the radar is the first time Japanese-manufactured defense equipment has been deployed in a foreign country. The move also represents a clear signal from Tokyo.
Meanwhile, the Eurasian Times reports that the Philippines will receive Indian-made supersonic cruise missiles this month. The purchase of the BrahMos missiles was already agreed upon in 2022 and will now be delivered to the Philippine Navy. In addition, the Philippine Congress authorized the construction of a permanent facility on another reef disputed between Beijing and Manila.
China’s state media reacted accordingly harshly. In an editorial in the People’s Daily, the Philippines were warned against “causing unrest and chaos.” It accused the Philippines of repeatedly violating China’s territorial claims, a serious “miscalculation.”
“This behavior is extremely dangerous and has seriously harmed peace, stability, prosperity and development in the region,” the article states. The commentary was written under the name “Zhong Sheng” (钟声). It is a homophone for the “Voice of China,” a pseudonym used to express strong views on foreign policy issues.
The Philippine ambassador to the USA recently made it clear how real the danger is. In an interview, Jose Manuel Romualdez warned that the clashes between Philippine and Chinese ships in the South China Sea could spark a major conflict “at any time” – with dramatic consequences. “[If] anything happens in our area, it’s like the beginning of another war, world war.”
Beijing has performed a remarkable U-turn, providing a glimmer of hope for China’s ailing internet industry. This week, apparently in response to massive criticism of significantly stricter regulations for online games, a top supervisor had to resign. As reported by Reuters and the South China Morning Post, citing sources familiar with the matter, Feng Shixin is no longer head of the publishing department at the Chinese Ministry of Propaganda, which is also responsible for regulating online games.
Shortly before Christmas, on the last trading day of the year, the shares of Tencent, NetEase and other online gaming giants experienced their biggest slump in years. Within a few minutes, they lost around 80 billion dollars in market capitalization.
The reason: The department headed by Feng surprisingly issued new regulations for online game providers. Although it was only a draft, it was tough for the companies concerned. Among other things, the draft stipulated that providers should set spending limits and prohibit certain incentive mechanisms, such as rewards for daily logins.
Such measures may help protect minors. However, investors immediately responded negatively. The panic on the markets was not just because investors immediately feared for the profits of the companies affected. They also saw the proposed regulations as a sign that the crackdown on China’s tech companies, which began in 2021, is not yet over.
However, Beijing appears to be willing to give companies more leeway again to help the economy get back on its feet. There is no other explanation for the leadership’s swift and decisive reaction after the crash. Not only did Feng apparently lose his job: the day after the new rules were presented, his department issued a statement assuring that the draft was still being “revised and improved.”
On Monday, the authority followed up and announced that it had authorized 105 games in one fell swoop in December – the highest number this year. The state media also backed the industry and reported extensively on the sector’s “healthy and robust development.”
Nevertheless, analysts believe it is too early to give the all-clear. Uncertainty about the Chinese technology sector remains high, which has also been reflected on the stock market over the past twelve months. While US tech stocks reached new record highs, most Chinese stocks are still trading well below their all-time peaks.
“Overall, investors are still skeptical,” market strategist Redmond Wong from Saxo Capital Markets told Bloomberg. Beijing’s intervention following the sell-off is seen as positive, but there are still many uncertainties, he said.
It is also clear that even if Beijing allows its tech giants more leeway, their freedom will remain smaller than in the past. This is also evident in the game industry. Although 1,076 online games were approved this year, more than twice as many as in 2022, it was still 2,095 four years earlier.
When the Taiwanese media talk about “Princess Shin Kong,” they are not referring to a new Japanese anime series, but to Cynthia Wu, vice presidential candidate of the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP). Party leader Ko Wen-je nominated her at the end of November after failed negotiations on a joint presidential candidacy with Hou Yu-ih from the more China-friendly Kuomintang Party (KMT).
Wu’s nickname originates from her illustrious family background: She is the offspring of one of Taiwan’s wealthiest entrepreneurial families, whose businesses are bundled in the Shin Kong group of companies. The conglomerate includes one of Taiwan’s largest banks, an insurance group and a chain of department stores. The Shin Kong Tower, one of the first skyscrapers in Taipei in the 1990s, rises in the sky across from Taipei’s central railway station.
Like many children of Taiwan’s economic elite, Cynthia Wu was born in the USA. She attended school in Taipei – at the American School. She then studied at the renowned Wellesley College in Massachusetts, a private university for women. The college’s alumni include Hillary Clinton and Soong Mei-ling, who later became the wife of former KMT dictator Chiang Kai-shek.
Wu later earned a master’s degree in business administration and art history in London, worked as an analyst at the investment bank Merril Lynch, and was gradually introduced into her family’s corporate business. In 2007, the now 45-year-old became a member of the supervisory board of Shin Kong Financial Holding, which manages the Group’s banking operations, and executive at Shin Kong Life Insurance.
Wu has hardly any political experience. She failed to make it into parliament in her first political candidacy in the 2020 legislative elections. She was re-nominated at the end of 2022 after another TPP MP withdrew. She has so far hardly positioned herself on many key political issues, such as Taiwan’s relationship with China. When she was introduced as a vice-presidential candidate, she touted her “international orientation and experience in the financial sector.” Entrepreneurial skills are highly valued in Taiwan. However, the fact that Wu was born with so much experience does not go down well, especially with younger voters concerned about social justice.
Party leader Ko only founded the TPP in 2019. He has pledged to clean up the established political forces and align Taiwan’s policies with the population’s social needs. His alliance with Wu resulted in a loss of trust. In the weeks following her nomination, the TPP’s poll ratings for the presidential elections plummeted – from around 25 percent to around 17 percent. The KMT, which is now close to the ruling China-critical DPP in the polls, is the main beneficiary of this.
It is difficult to say whether Cynthia Wu is partly responsible for her party’s downfall or whether she is the main victim. Ko already appeared less than confident during the failed negotiations with the KMT. However, Wu’s nomination has clearly not done him any favors. Meanwhile, she has made remarkably few election appearances. Many see her candidacy as an emergency solution – and possibly as a way to secure financial support for Ko’s election campaign, a party that is institutionally weak compared to the KMT and DPP.
Cynthia Wu recently had to disclose her assets as part of a routine screening of all candidates by Taiwan’s Central Election Commission. Unfortunately, she forgot her husband’s assets, Belgian Baron Renaud van der Elst. The couple’s church wedding ceremony in September this year was also attended by a real queen – the Belgian monarch Mathilde. Leonardo Pape
A thick blanket of fog has covered Nanjing, Jiangsu. Other provinces are also affected. In Anhui, visibility was only 50 meters at times and highways were temporarily closed. At Shanghai Pudong International Airport, numerous flights were delayed or diverted. Only the residents on the upper floors of these towers were able to enjoy the weather – looking over the white sea of clouds.
Tinian is probably best known to historians, not so much because the small island in the Pacific Ocean was once part of the colony of German New Guinea. Instead, because one of the worst chapters in human history started on this island in the Northern Mariana Islands. On 6 August 1945, the B-29 bomber “Enola Gay” took off from the local US military airfield “North Field” and dropped the first atomic bomb shortly afterward.
Almost 80 years later, Tinian again appears to shift into the focus of geostrategists and politicians. The US plans to rebuild its former military base in the Pacific. “If you pay attention in the next few months, you will see significant progress, especially at Tinian North,” General Kenneth Wilsbach, commander of the US Pacific Air Forces, told Nikkei Asia in an interview. The Pacific Air Forces confirmed the US plans, but did not make an official statement. The US Air Force’s budget request for the 2024 fiscal year includes 78 million US dollars for construction projects on Tinian.
This represents a significant escalation of the situation in the South China Sea. China claims practically the entire South China Sea – including areas in the exclusive economic zones (EEZs) of neighboring countries. There is a lot at stake: current resources (rich fishing grounds) and future resources (potential oil and gas deposits), global trade (almost one in three shipping containers passes through the South China Sea), military and geostrategy.
The US strategy behind the reconstruction of Tinian is called Agile Combat Employment, ACE for short. The US Air Force aims to “shift operations from centralized physical infrastructures to a network of smaller, dispersed locations that can complicate adversary planning and provide more options for joint force commander.” This is because a large part of the US Air Force in the Pacific is stationed at only a few large airbases – on Guam or Okinawa. This makes the US units a comparatively easy target.
An analysis by the Air University of the US Air Force from 2022 states that ACE would help mitigate Chinese threats by spreading its own forces across the theater of operations, making their deployment unpredictable and forcing the People’s Liberation Army to make greater use of missiles.
China’s Ministry of Defense subsequently warned of a further deterioration of the situation. The Chinese military is keeping a close eye on the US plans. The spokesperson for the Ministry of Defense in Beijing announced that China’s maritime rights, security and sovereignty in the region will be firmly defended. On Wednesday, the military’s Southern Theatre Command announced routine patrols in the South China Sea shortly.
The Philippines, in particular, feel the effects of how firmly China defends its claims. Most recently, water cannons were fired, and several vessels were even rammed. Another incident involved China erecting a sea barrier to keep Philippine vessels from the disputed Scarborough Shoal.
Manila is aware of the military imbalance and focuses on “assertive transparency.” As former US Air Force pilot Raymond Powell told Table.Media, “With this new campaign, the Philippines is trying to defend itself against China’s ‘grey zone’ tactics.” Powell now heads Sealight, a project on transparency in maritime law at Stanford University.
Now, hardware is to follow. A few days ago, a Japanese radar system was set up on the north-west coast of the Philippines’ largest island. Located around 300 kilometers from the disputed Scarborough Shoal, it will monitor areas where recent clashes with Chinese vessels have occurred.
The system is part of a comprehensive modernization of the Philippine armed forces. An important aspect is that the radar is the first time Japanese-manufactured defense equipment has been deployed in a foreign country. The move also represents a clear signal from Tokyo.
Meanwhile, the Eurasian Times reports that the Philippines will receive Indian-made supersonic cruise missiles this month. The purchase of the BrahMos missiles was already agreed upon in 2022 and will now be delivered to the Philippine Navy. In addition, the Philippine Congress authorized the construction of a permanent facility on another reef disputed between Beijing and Manila.
China’s state media reacted accordingly harshly. In an editorial in the People’s Daily, the Philippines were warned against “causing unrest and chaos.” It accused the Philippines of repeatedly violating China’s territorial claims, a serious “miscalculation.”
“This behavior is extremely dangerous and has seriously harmed peace, stability, prosperity and development in the region,” the article states. The commentary was written under the name “Zhong Sheng” (钟声). It is a homophone for the “Voice of China,” a pseudonym used to express strong views on foreign policy issues.
The Philippine ambassador to the USA recently made it clear how real the danger is. In an interview, Jose Manuel Romualdez warned that the clashes between Philippine and Chinese ships in the South China Sea could spark a major conflict “at any time” – with dramatic consequences. “[If] anything happens in our area, it’s like the beginning of another war, world war.”
Beijing has performed a remarkable U-turn, providing a glimmer of hope for China’s ailing internet industry. This week, apparently in response to massive criticism of significantly stricter regulations for online games, a top supervisor had to resign. As reported by Reuters and the South China Morning Post, citing sources familiar with the matter, Feng Shixin is no longer head of the publishing department at the Chinese Ministry of Propaganda, which is also responsible for regulating online games.
Shortly before Christmas, on the last trading day of the year, the shares of Tencent, NetEase and other online gaming giants experienced their biggest slump in years. Within a few minutes, they lost around 80 billion dollars in market capitalization.
The reason: The department headed by Feng surprisingly issued new regulations for online game providers. Although it was only a draft, it was tough for the companies concerned. Among other things, the draft stipulated that providers should set spending limits and prohibit certain incentive mechanisms, such as rewards for daily logins.
Such measures may help protect minors. However, investors immediately responded negatively. The panic on the markets was not just because investors immediately feared for the profits of the companies affected. They also saw the proposed regulations as a sign that the crackdown on China’s tech companies, which began in 2021, is not yet over.
However, Beijing appears to be willing to give companies more leeway again to help the economy get back on its feet. There is no other explanation for the leadership’s swift and decisive reaction after the crash. Not only did Feng apparently lose his job: the day after the new rules were presented, his department issued a statement assuring that the draft was still being “revised and improved.”
On Monday, the authority followed up and announced that it had authorized 105 games in one fell swoop in December – the highest number this year. The state media also backed the industry and reported extensively on the sector’s “healthy and robust development.”
Nevertheless, analysts believe it is too early to give the all-clear. Uncertainty about the Chinese technology sector remains high, which has also been reflected on the stock market over the past twelve months. While US tech stocks reached new record highs, most Chinese stocks are still trading well below their all-time peaks.
“Overall, investors are still skeptical,” market strategist Redmond Wong from Saxo Capital Markets told Bloomberg. Beijing’s intervention following the sell-off is seen as positive, but there are still many uncertainties, he said.
It is also clear that even if Beijing allows its tech giants more leeway, their freedom will remain smaller than in the past. This is also evident in the game industry. Although 1,076 online games were approved this year, more than twice as many as in 2022, it was still 2,095 four years earlier.
When the Taiwanese media talk about “Princess Shin Kong,” they are not referring to a new Japanese anime series, but to Cynthia Wu, vice presidential candidate of the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP). Party leader Ko Wen-je nominated her at the end of November after failed negotiations on a joint presidential candidacy with Hou Yu-ih from the more China-friendly Kuomintang Party (KMT).
Wu’s nickname originates from her illustrious family background: She is the offspring of one of Taiwan’s wealthiest entrepreneurial families, whose businesses are bundled in the Shin Kong group of companies. The conglomerate includes one of Taiwan’s largest banks, an insurance group and a chain of department stores. The Shin Kong Tower, one of the first skyscrapers in Taipei in the 1990s, rises in the sky across from Taipei’s central railway station.
Like many children of Taiwan’s economic elite, Cynthia Wu was born in the USA. She attended school in Taipei – at the American School. She then studied at the renowned Wellesley College in Massachusetts, a private university for women. The college’s alumni include Hillary Clinton and Soong Mei-ling, who later became the wife of former KMT dictator Chiang Kai-shek.
Wu later earned a master’s degree in business administration and art history in London, worked as an analyst at the investment bank Merril Lynch, and was gradually introduced into her family’s corporate business. In 2007, the now 45-year-old became a member of the supervisory board of Shin Kong Financial Holding, which manages the Group’s banking operations, and executive at Shin Kong Life Insurance.
Wu has hardly any political experience. She failed to make it into parliament in her first political candidacy in the 2020 legislative elections. She was re-nominated at the end of 2022 after another TPP MP withdrew. She has so far hardly positioned herself on many key political issues, such as Taiwan’s relationship with China. When she was introduced as a vice-presidential candidate, she touted her “international orientation and experience in the financial sector.” Entrepreneurial skills are highly valued in Taiwan. However, the fact that Wu was born with so much experience does not go down well, especially with younger voters concerned about social justice.
Party leader Ko only founded the TPP in 2019. He has pledged to clean up the established political forces and align Taiwan’s policies with the population’s social needs. His alliance with Wu resulted in a loss of trust. In the weeks following her nomination, the TPP’s poll ratings for the presidential elections plummeted – from around 25 percent to around 17 percent. The KMT, which is now close to the ruling China-critical DPP in the polls, is the main beneficiary of this.
It is difficult to say whether Cynthia Wu is partly responsible for her party’s downfall or whether she is the main victim. Ko already appeared less than confident during the failed negotiations with the KMT. However, Wu’s nomination has clearly not done him any favors. Meanwhile, she has made remarkably few election appearances. Many see her candidacy as an emergency solution – and possibly as a way to secure financial support for Ko’s election campaign, a party that is institutionally weak compared to the KMT and DPP.
Cynthia Wu recently had to disclose her assets as part of a routine screening of all candidates by Taiwan’s Central Election Commission. Unfortunately, she forgot her husband’s assets, Belgian Baron Renaud van der Elst. The couple’s church wedding ceremony in September this year was also attended by a real queen – the Belgian monarch Mathilde. Leonardo Pape
A thick blanket of fog has covered Nanjing, Jiangsu. Other provinces are also affected. In Anhui, visibility was only 50 meters at times and highways were temporarily closed. At Shanghai Pudong International Airport, numerous flights were delayed or diverted. Only the residents on the upper floors of these towers were able to enjoy the weather – looking over the white sea of clouds.
