Unfortunately, far too few non-governmental Chinese voices are heard in Germany. The Berlin-based association 706 wants to change that. It aims to support Chinese people upon arrival and inform them about Germany, such as the political system. The 706 movement was originally founded in Beijing in 2012, when students were looking for a place to meet and discuss more freely and openly than at their universities. Today, there are 706 groups in other Chinese cities as well as in the global Chinese exile community, for example, in Tokyo, San Francisco, Chiang Mai, Amsterdam and Berlin. Leonardo Pape spoke to the two board members Rui Li and Chao Tan about their goals and the upcoming German parliamentary elections.
China’s deep involvement in Africa is paying off. Surveys show China is already more popular among young Africans than the US. Trump’s attempts to dismantle USAID are likely to reinforce this trend. In today’s opinion piece, Wolfgang Stefinger, development politician for the Christian Social Union (CSU) and deputy chairman of the Parliamentary Friendship Group for Relations with the Southern African States, urges Germany not to leave its neighboring continent to China. Unlike China, however, Germany lacks a coherent Africa strategy – instead, the federal government has six barely coordinated approaches that lead to duplicate structures and wasted taxpayers’ money. Therefore, Stefinger calls for an integrated approach that combines business, diplomacy and development policy.
Your association provides insights into the German political system, among other things. How do you see the upcoming federal elections?
Most young Chinese people we are in contact with have only been in Germany for a short time. They don’t hold German citizenship and therefore can’t vote. But we do follow the election campaign. Shortly after the election, we plan to discuss the results at a discussion event within the Chinese community.
What do you want to achieve with your work?
We are a point of contact for new arrivals, providing some initial guidance. We want to understand Germany better and build bridges. We primarily reach out to younger Chinese migrants through a variety of formats. Some of our projects have also received funding from the state of Berlin. Last year, we organized over 50 events, including a trip to the German Bundestag and a conversation with an employee from the Potsdam Immigration Office. A Chinese employee from a German university shared his experiences in employee representation under the title: “What do trade unions really do, apart from the train strike?” We also held intercultural career salons and an anti-discrimination workshop. Then there were more relaxed events, from book discussions to a music evening and joint bird watching.
The current sentiment in Germany towards immigrants is not particularly positive. Are you worried, especially in light of the rise of the right-wing AfD?
The concrete dangers for people like us and German citizens with a Chinese migration background are difficult to assess. But one thing can be said: Many young and well-educated people in China could imagine emigrating. If marginalization in Germany increases, the country will become less attractive to them.
How do you perceive the debates about China in Germany?
In Germany, information about the Chinese economy, society and politics is often mixed up in people’s minds. When we talk to people here, we encounter many, often negative, prejudices about China and its people. Another problem is that non-governmental Chinese groups have almost no voice in German debates about China. We have no desire to be given a special role. However, like other migrant groups, we also want to participate in society. We hope that we will be able to continue the dialogue with political actors at various levels after the parliamentary elections. And we hope that German society will treat migrant groups like us with openness and curiosity.
What inspired the founding of your association?
Our association came together during the pandemic. It was a tough time for many Chinese migrants, especially those who had not been in Germany for long. At first, there were informal meetings in living rooms among acquaintances, and then the association was founded.
What is your relationship with Chinese government agencies?
We have no ties with Chinese authorities. Official bodies have their own function, after all, they also have many more resources. But we need diverse voices in Germany’s China community. That’s what we stand for.
Nevertheless, there are fears and mistrust among Chinese living abroad as to who can really be trusted.
The first thing we want to do at events and meetings is to create an atmosphere of trust. Everyone is encouraged to talk about their own experiences and not judge others. We have noticed that many people in China are careful when using political terms in public discussions, especially regarding party or government issues. Even certain words that are not forbidden are avoided. It takes time and a safe space to learn to speak openly. That’s why most of our events so far have been in Chinese.
Many groups from Chinese civil society abroad are worried about surveillance or even persecution by the Chinese government. How do you deal with this?
Many events have a registration form, and for more sensitive topics, we will only announce the meeting point after we have confirmed participation. We also take other precautions. One concern is that people who have been involved with us might get into trouble when they return to China. Fortunately, this has not happened so far. But generally speaking, we stand up for freedom of expression, which should be normal in a democracy. So, we see no reason to hide.
There are now 706 local groups in several Chinese cities, and it is one of the largest international networks among young Chinese migrants. Why is the organization so popular?
We don’t have a clear political agenda – the fundamental principle is that anyone interested in a topic can organize something about it and use us as a platform. There is also no central authority that coordinates the individual branches of 706. That may sound a little unstructured, but it is only through this openness that we manage to bring so many people together. Moreover, many young, well-educated Chinese people have increasingly been looking to leave China in recent years. Through them, 706 has spread worldwide to places with large Chinese communities, such as Tokyo, San Francisco, Chiang Mai in Thailand, Amsterdam and Berlin.
Where did 706 originally come from, and what’s the story behind its somewhat mysterious name?
706 was founded around 2012 in Beijing around the university scene there. The goal was to create an independent space for young people to meet, which is hardly possible with the state control at the universities. Back when the organization was founded, there was more room for open discussion in China than today. However, the younger generation especially felt increasingly oppressed. The organization’s building in Beijing’s Wudaokou district had the house number 706, hence the name. It hosted movie screenings, exhibitions, lectures and much more.
Rui Li came to Germany in 2019 to pursue a master’s in Non-Profit Management. Chao Tan has lived in Germany since 2010 and works as a project manager. Both are board members of 706 Berlin e.V.
Africa is a continent on the rise – young, dynamic and full of potential. However, while other nations, above all China, act strategically and decisively, Germany hesitates and pursues an inefficient Africa policy – with economic and geopolitical costs for Africa and Europe. In this age of systemic competition between democracies and authoritarian regimes, a strategic partnership with Africa is key to supporting democracies worldwide and securing our prosperity.
Unfortunately, we are lagging behind. As early as 1996, Beijing encouraged its companies to expand internationally with its “Zou chu qu” (“Swarm out”) strategy. The result: Within three decades, the trade volume between China and Africa increased from one billion US dollars (1993) to 282 billion US dollars (2023). Germany, on the other hand, is now far behind with only 61 billion euros (2023).
China’s model of short-term benefits – unconditional loans, infrastructure projects built by Chinese labor and authoritarian stability – yields tangible results in ports, roads and railroads. These infrastructure projects aim to secure exclusive Chinese access to Africa’s raw materials instead of benefiting the African people. The raw materials are exported directly to China for further processing, without any significant local added value. A model that is perfectly designed to strengthen autocratic developments. Authoritarian rulers, supported by Chinese economic power and Russian security, consolidate their power. Small elites enrich themselves. The people, on the other hand, are left with just enough to avoid an uprising.
Unlike China, Germany lacks a coherent Africa strategy. Instead, it has six barely coordinated approaches within the German government, which lead to inefficient redundant structures, wasted taxpayers’ money, and a weakened global competitive position. A self-critical analysis must acknowledge that Germany and Europe have too often tried to save the African continent in recent decades with well-meaning advice instead of making pragmatic economic offers. No external actor – neither the USA, Europe, or China – can “save” Africa. Only Africa itself can do that, and that is precisely what Africa’s young societies aspire to.
However, this does not mean that Africa does not need us, nor does it mean that we have no chance in the systemic competition. The new Democratic Strategy Initiative Berlin aptly states, “We must rediscover our strategic self-confidence as democracies and must not accept the myth of the inevitable decline of democracy.” I agree with this.
The African Union and the EU are committed to promoting democracy, security, and stability. Unlike China, democratic nations can promote these aspirations. Our model can create jobs and thus offer a perspective that creates broad prosperity for the African population. This is also in our own interest, because China’s raw materials strategy keeps Africa dependent on exports and us dependent on China.
The consequences are obvious: Interrupted Chinese lithium supplies would cost Germany’s gross domestic product 115 billion euros. The automotive industry alone would lose 42 billion euros. In light of the war in Europe and the rise of authoritarian regimes, such geopolitical risks are no longer tolerable. The era of “change through trade,” based on just-in-time supply chains and the assumption that economic interdependencies could solve systemic conflicts, is over. The new geo-economic reality requires us to invest strategically in stockpiles, more resilient supply chains and a coherent foreign policy.
This approach must also be reflected in the Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ) – and it will require some reforms. The African continent consists of developing countries and emerging economies. This makes the BMZ the central player in coordination. Instead of the six fragmented African strategies, Germany needs a single strategy coordinated with Brussels and boldly reflects the “Zeitenwende.” Development policy must continue to focus on basic needs such as poverty reduction, nutrition, health, and education in Africa’s poorest countries. However, the focus should be on investment, infrastructure and trade, flanked by structural reforms in partner countries.
However, this awareness has not yet reached the BMZ. Since taking office, Federal Development Minister Svenja Schulze has made twelve trips to Africa. None of them has included a private sector representative in the delegation. In parallel, not only has the budget item used to promote the private sector been constantly reduced, but the group of recipients of the reduced budget has also been expanded to include trade unions. These two examples are symptomatic of a fundamental misunderstanding of current development policy. A change in mentality must begin at home. The BMZ must see the economy as a partner that can create jobs and prosperity. Only with an integrated approach that combines business, diplomacy and development policy can Germany offer a credible alternative to authoritarian models and strengthen its role in Africa.
Wolfgang Stefinger has been a member of the German Bundestag for the CSU since 2013. He is a member of the Committee on Economic Cooperation and Development. Stefinger has also been serving as Deputy Chairman of the Parliamentary Friendship Group for Relations with the Southern African States since 2018.
Editor’s note: Today more than ever, discussing China means engaging in controversial debate. We aim to reflect the diversity of opinions to offer you an insight into the breadth of the discussion. Opinions do not reflect the views of the editorial team.
Watermelons seem to be real slow sellers in winter. Their prices are not exactly tempting either. Consumer prices rose again in China in January. Perhaps some appealing packaging in the form of a smiley face will convince customers to buy.
Unfortunately, far too few non-governmental Chinese voices are heard in Germany. The Berlin-based association 706 wants to change that. It aims to support Chinese people upon arrival and inform them about Germany, such as the political system. The 706 movement was originally founded in Beijing in 2012, when students were looking for a place to meet and discuss more freely and openly than at their universities. Today, there are 706 groups in other Chinese cities as well as in the global Chinese exile community, for example, in Tokyo, San Francisco, Chiang Mai, Amsterdam and Berlin. Leonardo Pape spoke to the two board members Rui Li and Chao Tan about their goals and the upcoming German parliamentary elections.
China’s deep involvement in Africa is paying off. Surveys show China is already more popular among young Africans than the US. Trump’s attempts to dismantle USAID are likely to reinforce this trend. In today’s opinion piece, Wolfgang Stefinger, development politician for the Christian Social Union (CSU) and deputy chairman of the Parliamentary Friendship Group for Relations with the Southern African States, urges Germany not to leave its neighboring continent to China. Unlike China, however, Germany lacks a coherent Africa strategy – instead, the federal government has six barely coordinated approaches that lead to duplicate structures and wasted taxpayers’ money. Therefore, Stefinger calls for an integrated approach that combines business, diplomacy and development policy.
Your association provides insights into the German political system, among other things. How do you see the upcoming federal elections?
Most young Chinese people we are in contact with have only been in Germany for a short time. They don’t hold German citizenship and therefore can’t vote. But we do follow the election campaign. Shortly after the election, we plan to discuss the results at a discussion event within the Chinese community.
What do you want to achieve with your work?
We are a point of contact for new arrivals, providing some initial guidance. We want to understand Germany better and build bridges. We primarily reach out to younger Chinese migrants through a variety of formats. Some of our projects have also received funding from the state of Berlin. Last year, we organized over 50 events, including a trip to the German Bundestag and a conversation with an employee from the Potsdam Immigration Office. A Chinese employee from a German university shared his experiences in employee representation under the title: “What do trade unions really do, apart from the train strike?” We also held intercultural career salons and an anti-discrimination workshop. Then there were more relaxed events, from book discussions to a music evening and joint bird watching.
The current sentiment in Germany towards immigrants is not particularly positive. Are you worried, especially in light of the rise of the right-wing AfD?
The concrete dangers for people like us and German citizens with a Chinese migration background are difficult to assess. But one thing can be said: Many young and well-educated people in China could imagine emigrating. If marginalization in Germany increases, the country will become less attractive to them.
How do you perceive the debates about China in Germany?
In Germany, information about the Chinese economy, society and politics is often mixed up in people’s minds. When we talk to people here, we encounter many, often negative, prejudices about China and its people. Another problem is that non-governmental Chinese groups have almost no voice in German debates about China. We have no desire to be given a special role. However, like other migrant groups, we also want to participate in society. We hope that we will be able to continue the dialogue with political actors at various levels after the parliamentary elections. And we hope that German society will treat migrant groups like us with openness and curiosity.
What inspired the founding of your association?
Our association came together during the pandemic. It was a tough time for many Chinese migrants, especially those who had not been in Germany for long. At first, there were informal meetings in living rooms among acquaintances, and then the association was founded.
What is your relationship with Chinese government agencies?
We have no ties with Chinese authorities. Official bodies have their own function, after all, they also have many more resources. But we need diverse voices in Germany’s China community. That’s what we stand for.
Nevertheless, there are fears and mistrust among Chinese living abroad as to who can really be trusted.
The first thing we want to do at events and meetings is to create an atmosphere of trust. Everyone is encouraged to talk about their own experiences and not judge others. We have noticed that many people in China are careful when using political terms in public discussions, especially regarding party or government issues. Even certain words that are not forbidden are avoided. It takes time and a safe space to learn to speak openly. That’s why most of our events so far have been in Chinese.
Many groups from Chinese civil society abroad are worried about surveillance or even persecution by the Chinese government. How do you deal with this?
Many events have a registration form, and for more sensitive topics, we will only announce the meeting point after we have confirmed participation. We also take other precautions. One concern is that people who have been involved with us might get into trouble when they return to China. Fortunately, this has not happened so far. But generally speaking, we stand up for freedom of expression, which should be normal in a democracy. So, we see no reason to hide.
There are now 706 local groups in several Chinese cities, and it is one of the largest international networks among young Chinese migrants. Why is the organization so popular?
We don’t have a clear political agenda – the fundamental principle is that anyone interested in a topic can organize something about it and use us as a platform. There is also no central authority that coordinates the individual branches of 706. That may sound a little unstructured, but it is only through this openness that we manage to bring so many people together. Moreover, many young, well-educated Chinese people have increasingly been looking to leave China in recent years. Through them, 706 has spread worldwide to places with large Chinese communities, such as Tokyo, San Francisco, Chiang Mai in Thailand, Amsterdam and Berlin.
Where did 706 originally come from, and what’s the story behind its somewhat mysterious name?
706 was founded around 2012 in Beijing around the university scene there. The goal was to create an independent space for young people to meet, which is hardly possible with the state control at the universities. Back when the organization was founded, there was more room for open discussion in China than today. However, the younger generation especially felt increasingly oppressed. The organization’s building in Beijing’s Wudaokou district had the house number 706, hence the name. It hosted movie screenings, exhibitions, lectures and much more.
Rui Li came to Germany in 2019 to pursue a master’s in Non-Profit Management. Chao Tan has lived in Germany since 2010 and works as a project manager. Both are board members of 706 Berlin e.V.
Africa is a continent on the rise – young, dynamic and full of potential. However, while other nations, above all China, act strategically and decisively, Germany hesitates and pursues an inefficient Africa policy – with economic and geopolitical costs for Africa and Europe. In this age of systemic competition between democracies and authoritarian regimes, a strategic partnership with Africa is key to supporting democracies worldwide and securing our prosperity.
Unfortunately, we are lagging behind. As early as 1996, Beijing encouraged its companies to expand internationally with its “Zou chu qu” (“Swarm out”) strategy. The result: Within three decades, the trade volume between China and Africa increased from one billion US dollars (1993) to 282 billion US dollars (2023). Germany, on the other hand, is now far behind with only 61 billion euros (2023).
China’s model of short-term benefits – unconditional loans, infrastructure projects built by Chinese labor and authoritarian stability – yields tangible results in ports, roads and railroads. These infrastructure projects aim to secure exclusive Chinese access to Africa’s raw materials instead of benefiting the African people. The raw materials are exported directly to China for further processing, without any significant local added value. A model that is perfectly designed to strengthen autocratic developments. Authoritarian rulers, supported by Chinese economic power and Russian security, consolidate their power. Small elites enrich themselves. The people, on the other hand, are left with just enough to avoid an uprising.
Unlike China, Germany lacks a coherent Africa strategy. Instead, it has six barely coordinated approaches within the German government, which lead to inefficient redundant structures, wasted taxpayers’ money, and a weakened global competitive position. A self-critical analysis must acknowledge that Germany and Europe have too often tried to save the African continent in recent decades with well-meaning advice instead of making pragmatic economic offers. No external actor – neither the USA, Europe, or China – can “save” Africa. Only Africa itself can do that, and that is precisely what Africa’s young societies aspire to.
However, this does not mean that Africa does not need us, nor does it mean that we have no chance in the systemic competition. The new Democratic Strategy Initiative Berlin aptly states, “We must rediscover our strategic self-confidence as democracies and must not accept the myth of the inevitable decline of democracy.” I agree with this.
The African Union and the EU are committed to promoting democracy, security, and stability. Unlike China, democratic nations can promote these aspirations. Our model can create jobs and thus offer a perspective that creates broad prosperity for the African population. This is also in our own interest, because China’s raw materials strategy keeps Africa dependent on exports and us dependent on China.
The consequences are obvious: Interrupted Chinese lithium supplies would cost Germany’s gross domestic product 115 billion euros. The automotive industry alone would lose 42 billion euros. In light of the war in Europe and the rise of authoritarian regimes, such geopolitical risks are no longer tolerable. The era of “change through trade,” based on just-in-time supply chains and the assumption that economic interdependencies could solve systemic conflicts, is over. The new geo-economic reality requires us to invest strategically in stockpiles, more resilient supply chains and a coherent foreign policy.
This approach must also be reflected in the Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ) – and it will require some reforms. The African continent consists of developing countries and emerging economies. This makes the BMZ the central player in coordination. Instead of the six fragmented African strategies, Germany needs a single strategy coordinated with Brussels and boldly reflects the “Zeitenwende.” Development policy must continue to focus on basic needs such as poverty reduction, nutrition, health, and education in Africa’s poorest countries. However, the focus should be on investment, infrastructure and trade, flanked by structural reforms in partner countries.
However, this awareness has not yet reached the BMZ. Since taking office, Federal Development Minister Svenja Schulze has made twelve trips to Africa. None of them has included a private sector representative in the delegation. In parallel, not only has the budget item used to promote the private sector been constantly reduced, but the group of recipients of the reduced budget has also been expanded to include trade unions. These two examples are symptomatic of a fundamental misunderstanding of current development policy. A change in mentality must begin at home. The BMZ must see the economy as a partner that can create jobs and prosperity. Only with an integrated approach that combines business, diplomacy and development policy can Germany offer a credible alternative to authoritarian models and strengthen its role in Africa.
Wolfgang Stefinger has been a member of the German Bundestag for the CSU since 2013. He is a member of the Committee on Economic Cooperation and Development. Stefinger has also been serving as Deputy Chairman of the Parliamentary Friendship Group for Relations with the Southern African States since 2018.
Editor’s note: Today more than ever, discussing China means engaging in controversial debate. We aim to reflect the diversity of opinions to offer you an insight into the breadth of the discussion. Opinions do not reflect the views of the editorial team.
Watermelons seem to be real slow sellers in winter. Their prices are not exactly tempting either. Consumer prices rose again in China in January. Perhaps some appealing packaging in the form of a smiley face will convince customers to buy.
