The EU Commission should not have 26 Commissioners, but only 18. The European Parliament is to have only one seat, in Brussels. There is also no longer talk of commissioners but of ministers. It is not yet clear which member state may appoint a minister for Brussels. MEPs are to have the right to nominate the President of the Commission. Parliament is also to be given the right to initiate legislation.
These are all institutional reforms with which the German Liberals want to enter the European election campaign. They are set out in the European election program, which the FDP’s Federal Executive Committee intends to adopt on Monday. The election program initially had 70 DIN A4 pages and has since been reduced to a slim 18 pages.
The German Liberals, with their lead candidate Marie-Agnes Strack-Zimmermann, also want to ensure that Europeans no longer vote on several days in the future, but that the European elections are held on a single day. There should no longer be a quota for women, which EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen was still guided by when nominating her Commissioners. The FDP is also very federalist in its approach: it wants to convene a constitutional convention. And the constitution is to be confirmed in a pan-European referendum. The Liberals are daring.
During the first in-person meeting of the EU and China in four years, European leaders criticized the trade deficit between the European Union and the People’s Republic. “The root causes are known, and we have discussed them,” said EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen on Thursday after a meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping at a press conference.
According to von der Leyen, the causes range from a lack of market access for EU companies to preferential treatment for Chinese companies and overcapacity in Chinese production. The trade imbalance is not sustainable, von der Leyen said. EU Council President Charles Michel emphasized that Beijing must promote fair access and investment conditions for European companies.
Xi, on the other hand, warned against considering China as a rival and adopting a confrontational course. Beijing is ready to view the EU as an important economic and trade partner. Xi also offered cooperation in the fields of science and technology, including artificial intelligence. However, Xi did not provide an answer on how trade imbalances would be addressed.
Trade data released by the Beijing Customs Administration on Thursday underscored the Europeans’ point: China’s trade with almost all EU states has declined throughout the year. Exceptions include the Netherlands and Lithuania.
Imports from the Netherlands increased by 29 percent in November. One reason for this could be panic purchases by Chinese semiconductor companies equipping themselves with machines from the Dutch market leader ASML before they are subject to export restrictions. In the case of Lithuania, China had recently eased trade restrictions. Concurrently with the decline in trade with the EU, China’s trade with no other country developed as it did with Russia, according to customs data.
There were not many expectations for concrete results from the summit meeting anyway. The fact that the meeting took place in person could almost be considered a success.
It was the first time in four years that both sides saw each other face to face. President Xi had warm words for the visit upon arrival. He referred to China and the EU as “the two great forces promoting multipolarity, the two great markets supporting globalization, and the two great civilizations advocating diversity”.
In contrast to the grand words, Xi did not receive the European leadership in the Great Hall of the People -instead, he only let them into the Diaoyutai State Guesthouse. After Xi, von der Leyen, Michel and EU Foreign Chief Josep Borrell also met with Chinese Premier Li Qiang.
There was no joint statement after the meeting. However, this was also the case with previous summit meetings. The atmosphere of the first in-person summit between the EU and China was nevertheless noticeably frostier than the last meeting in 2019. At that time, photographers captured EU Council President Donald Tusk, EU Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker and Premier Li Keqiang in Brussels with a cheerful, broad three-way handshake. Not only has the personnel changed on both sides since then.
The situation of the topics has become more complex since then, with positions within the EU becoming more diverse. The Europeans held the press conference after the summit alone. The discussion points were extensive:
With overseas territories in the Indo-Pacific and a long presence in former colonies in West Africa, France has a more global security policy than Germany, but in future it wants to make a stronger presence in Europe and NATO. The French armed forces will leave Niger by the end of the year, compared to 1,500 in September and the end of Operation Barkhane in Mali in 2022, in which 4,500 French soldiers were deployed at times. The French are increasingly less welcome in their former West African colonies.
This is another reason why France is shifting its focus to Europe. In October, the Ministry of Defense created a new structure: The Land Command for Air-to-Land Operations in Europe (CTE) will initially have 6,000 soldiers on standby for deployment; by 2027, up to 24,000 armed forces in Europe are to be deployable quickly. In addition, France is currently deploying between 800 and 1,000 troops in Romania as part of the NATO Response Force and around 300 in Estonia. Since last week, France has stationed four Mirage 2000 fighter jets in Lithuania for air surveillance.
National and alliance defense has moved up the list of priorities. France is pursuing a different strategy than Germany. A permanent stationing of a brigade, as Germany is planning in Lithuania, does not fit into the French model. In Paris, deterrence is primarily nuclear, which, according to the French, also benefits its European neighbors.
Shortly after the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, President Macron spoke publicly to the French armed forces. After Russia had escalated the crisis to an “unjustified extent”, France could “once again count on its armed forces”; he had confidence in the “operational efficiency” of the soldiers. The speech was also a clear signal to Moscow and prevented a major escalation, say some in France. At a high price: the “force de frappe” costs France around a fifth of its defense budget, an average of five billion euros in recent years and rising.
France’s balancing act between European autonomy and commitment to NATO is often difficult to understand. While Macron warns, as he did during his visit to China in April this year, not to turn the USA’s problems into European ones and calls for a militarily stronger Europe, other European NATO countries are turning more towards the USA. His idea of strategic autonomy is only tentatively catching on in Germany and Eastern European NATO countries. Until the war against Ukraine, Macron was the loudest advocate of a European army; in 2019, he described NATO as “brain-dead”.
The “Franco-German tandem” has long been at the center of the European NATO pillar. However, relations between Berlin and Paris are deteriorating, particularly in terms of security policy. There are voices in France that are worried about Germany’s “turning point”. “If all German projects – or even just a large part of them – are completed, the Franco-German duo will become even more unbalanced than it already is,” write Élie Tenenbaum and Léo Péria-Peigné from the French think tank Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) in a study on the German turnaround.
According to the study, Berlin prefers to cooperate with the USA, the Netherlands, Norway, Lithuania, and Romania. Tenenbaum and Péria-Peigné write that Germany returned to the international stage in 2014 with the implementation of the Framework Nation Concept (FNC) and is therefore threatening to overtake France in Europe. In the FNC, a framework country integrates the capabilities of other nations into a network. Like Germany, France should become more involved in the NATO framework, they recommend. Joint exercises with Germany and the Baltic states in the Baltic region could also strengthen French relations with Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania.
In addition, Paris currently only takes on 75% of the military NATO posts to which the country is entitled. This is according to a report presented by the French Court of Auditors in July. According to the report, a commitment to NATO is not sufficiently valued in the CVs of French military personnel. This is probably due to historical reasons: France only returned to the NATO military command structure in 2009 under then-President Nicolas Sarkozy, after Charles de Gaulle had initiated its withdrawal in 1966.
France is currently the fourth-largest NATO contributor behind the USA, Germany, and the UK. It also has the fourth-largest defense budget of the NATO member states. The plans from the NATO summit in Madrid in July 2022 set out budget increases that, according to the Court of Auditors’ calculations, should quadruple France’s contributions to the NATO budget to 833 million euros by 2030.
In order not to become isolated in Europe, France should now strengthen its partnership with Germany again, Tenenbaum and Péria-Peigné recommend – and offer itself more as a framework nation. Otherwise, France could stand alone in Europe.
Dec. 11, 2023
Meeting of Foreign Ministers of the Eastern Partnership
Topics: Continuing the Eastern Partnership to ensure that the needs of Member States and partner countries are met, Key priorities for joint work in 2024, Accelerating the implementation of the Eastern Partnership Economic and Investment Plan, Strengthening cooperation with regions such as Central Asia and the Western Balkans and synergies with other regional policies such as the Black Sea Synergy. Draft agenda
Dec. 11, 2023; 9:30 a.m.
Council of the EU: Foreign Affairs
Topics: Exchange of views on Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, the situation in Israel and the region, the Sahel region and the foreign policy dimension of economic security. Draft agenda
Dec. 11, 2023; 5-10 p.m.
Plenary session of the EU Parliament: Room for health data, minimum rest periods for passenger transport
Topics: Debate on the European Health Data Space, debate on the minimum requirements for minimum breaks and the minimum daily and weekly rest periods in the passenger occasional services sector. Draft agenda
Dec. 11, 2023; 7-8:30 p.m.
Joint meeting of the Committee on Foreign Affairs (AFET), the Committee on Development (DEVE) and the Committee on Human Rights (DROI)
Topics: Exchange of ideas with the 2023 Sakharov Prize winners (Jina Mahsa Amini and the “Woman, Life, Freedom” movement, represented by Afsoon Najafi and Mersedeh Shahinkar). Draft agenda
Dec. 11, 2023; 6-7:30 p.m.
Meeting of the Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs (ECON)
Topics: Draft report on effective economic policy coordination and multilateral budgetary surveillance, report on ongoing interinstitutional negotiations. Draft agenda
Dec. 11, 2023; 7:30-8:30 p.m.
Meeting of the Committee on Agriculture and Rural Development (AGRI)
Topics: Discharge of the 2022 general budget, draft report on geographical indications of the European Union for wine, spirits and agricultural products. Draft agenda
Dec. 12, 2023
Weekly commission meeting
Topics: Democracy Defence Package (legislation establishing harmonized requirements in the internal market for transparency of interest representation activities on behalf of third countries, Recommendation on inclusive and resilient electoral processes in the Union and strengthening the European character and efficient conduct of the European Parliament elections in 2024, Recommendation on promoting the engagement and effective participation of citizens and civil society organizations in political decision-making processes). Draft agenda
Dec. 12, 2023; 9 a.m.-10 p.m.
EU Parliament plenary session: critical raw materials, neighborhood instrument, corporate taxation
Topics: Debate on the framework to ensure a secure and sustainable supply of critical raw materials, vote on the implementation of the Neighborhood, Development and International Cooperation Instrument (Europe in the World), vote on further reform of corporate taxation rules. Draft agenda
Dec. 12, 2023; 10 a.m.
Council of the EU: General Affairs
Topics: Exchange of views in preparation for the European Council meeting on December 14-15, 2023 (conclusions), information from the Presidency on the proposal to create an EU macro-regional strategy for the Atlantic region, approval of the conclusions on managing demographic change in Europe. Draft agenda
Dec. 13, 2023
EU-Western Balkans Summit
Topics: The heads of state of the EU and the Western Balkans meet for consultations. Info
Dec. 12, 2023; 9 a.m.-10 p.m.
Plenary session of the EU Parliament: European Council, Health Data Space, EU-Japan relations
Topics: Debate in preparation for the European Council meeting on December 14 and 15, 2023, vote on the European Health Data Space, vote on EU-Japan relations. Draft agenda
Dec. 14-15, 2023
European Council
Topics: Ukraine, Middle East, Enlargement, Multiannual Financial Framework 2021-2027, Security and Defense, External Relations. Draft agenda
Dec. 14, 2023; a.m.-4 p.m.
Plenary session of the EU Parliament: competitiveness, Copenhagen criteria, special legislative procedures
Topics: Vote on improving innovation and industrial and technological competitiveness, vote on 30 years of Copenhagen criteria (additional impetus for EU enlargement policy), vote on the application of Treaty provisions on special legislative procedures. Draft agenda
The energy consumption of residential buildings in the EU must fall by 16 percent by 2030 and by 20 to 22 percent by 2035. According to information from the Council yesterday evening, the member states agreed on this with the Parliament in the last trilogue on the Buildings Directive. However, the target does not relate to individual buildings, but to the average primary energy consumption of the entire residential building stock.
The German government recently spoke out against minimum energy performance standards (MEPS) for individual buildings after the buzzword “mandatory refurbishment” made the rounds. However, member states can voluntarily set MEPS for residential buildings. CDU MEP Markus Pieper therefore warned yesterday evening against gold-plating, i.e. overfulfilling EU requirements: “The directive could still be used in Germany as a pretext for forced renovations, which is what people have always wanted ideologically. We have to be very careful in Berlin too.”
According to information from negotiating circles, the benchmark for the refurbishment targets is the status from 2020. Previous successes in the refurbishment of residential buildings are to be taken into account separately. According to the agreement, member states must prioritize financial aid for renovations to households in need of protection.
For non-residential buildings, MEPS have been agreed in the form of threshold values, according to the Council communication. Accordingly, all non-residential buildings must be more efficient than the worst 16 percent from a base year by 2030 and better than the worst 26 percent by 2033. The member states can define exceptions for certain buildings: buildings used for agricultural or military purposes, listed buildings, church buildings or buildings only used for short periods. However, the Parliament’s communication only states that the Member States must define MEPS for the 16 and 26 percent of the worst non-residential buildings.
However, EU-wide, mandatory minimum efficiency standards for residential buildings could still be introduced at a later date. The Commission must present an evaluation of the directive by 2028 and also assess whether the savings targets for 2030 and 2035 will be achieved. The Commission can then propose further measures, in particular MEPS.
From 2030, newly constructed buildings should also be zero-emission buildings. For public buildings, the standard will already apply from 2028. According to information from negotiating circles, the exact definitions for “zero emissions” are to be determined by the member states. However, according to the agreement, these buildings must not generate “any emissions from fossil fuels” on site.
As for the end date for fossil heating, the negotiators agreed on the year 2040. Member states are to align their long-term strategies for buildings with this goal. Parliament and Council also maintained that from 2025, there should be no more state support for pure oil and gas heating.
The German government apparently could not prevail with its last-minute intervention to continue promoting heating with green hydrogen and biomethane. In a negotiation paper seen by Table.Media, the relevant recital only speaks of an exception for “hybrid heating systems” – the combination with solar thermal or a heat pump is mentioned as an example. However, there may still be separate guidelines for what is considered fossil heating.
Member states must introduce a solar obligation for new residential buildings by the end of 2029. It also applies to covered parking spaces. For new public and non-residential buildings, the solar obligation will be implemented gradually from the end of 2026.
As expected, energy certificates will not be harmonized across Europe. However, owners of low-efficiency buildings should receive an invitation for energy advice at a nearby counseling center in the future.
“We have achieved something remarkable tonight. We have created a blueprint for the transition to a carbon-free building stock,” said the Green rapporteur for the directive, Ciarán Cuffe from Ireland, after the agreement. The path found could reduce energy costs for both owners and tenants, addressing the cause of energy poverty.
The lead negotiator for the liberal faction in the European Parliament, Danish MEP Morten Petersen, wrote on the X platform that he would have liked to go further. “But the resistance to the EPBD was enormous.” ber
Within a few days, the Spanish EU Council Presidency has presented a new proposal to break the deadlock among the member states regarding the mid-term review of the EU’s Multiannual Financial Framework (MFF). In order to advance the negotiations for the multi-annual budget, Madrid has further reduced the additional expenditure requested by the EU Commission from just under €66 billion to €40.6 billion by 2027. In the last proposal, the Presidency had still estimated an additional expenditure of €51 billion. The cuts affect all areas, with the exception of aid to Ukraine, which is to remain untouched.
According to the negotiation document available to Table.Media, Madrid now wants to provide €8.6 billion for migration management, compared to the previous €10.5 billion. The Commission had estimated €12.5 billion for this item. The STEP funding program will be massively reduced to €2.5 billion from the previous €7 billion. The Commission had still envisaged 10 billion euros here. Madrid has now earmarked €9 billion for the additional costs due to higher interest rates for the bonds from the EU’s NextGenEU program. This is just under half of the Commission’s proposal of €18.9 billion.
Diplomats described the negotiations on the multi-annual EU financial framework as extremely difficult. There is “still no landing zone in sight”. Germany is not prepared to transfer additional funds to Brussels over and above the aid to Ukraine – €17 billion in grants and €33 billion in loans. If the Commission defines new challenges, it will have to finance this through reallocations and cuts in the existing budget, the diplomats said.
Assessments of the status of the AI Act negotiations vary. While one participant said that there were no more unresolved issues and that it was just a matter of looking at everything again in peace, another participant vehemently disagreed. It is clear that the negotiations will continue. They are scheduled for today, Friday, at 0900.
The Spanish Council Presidency had made it clear before the start of the negotiations that it wanted to conclude the trilogue on the AI Act now. Discussions on the fifth trilogue began at 3 p.m. on Wednesday and were interrupted after 22 hours. The fact that they lasted so long and that the negotiators are now going into extra time instead of scheduling a new trilogue makes an agreement this weekend likely.
In fact, there appears to be an agreement on the regulation of foundation models and general-purpose AI, as reported by Table.Media. The two-tier approach proposed by Parliament, according to which models with systemic risks are regulated more strictly than others, will apparently remain in place. In addition to legal obligations, there should also be a code of conduct.
France, Germany, and Italy had previously rejected this two-stage approach – against the background that young European companies have an enormous need to catch up. They did not want to put any obstacles in their way. However, there was a lot of opposition to this thesis, not only from the European Parliament but also from the scientific community.
A recent study by The Future Society shows that the costs for GPAI models are negligible, even for the most comprehensive set of requirements and obligations (Article 28b of the parliamentary proposal). The cost per model would be between 0.07 to 1.34 percent of the total investment for a build-up of very large models. “We recommend with great confidence more stringent mandatory requirements than those currently on the trilogue table”, the authors write. They are convinced “that this would not hinder innovation or the Brussels effect for top models”.
The list of prohibited applications of AI is still being debated. Social scoring is one such application that everyone rejects in principle. However, Parliament has significantly extended the list. For example, it wanted to ban real-time biometric recognition in public spaces and emotion recognition in certain areas, as well as only allowing the use of AI with high hurdles for law enforcement. The member states, especially those that already use AI for law enforcement or to combat terrorism, reject this and want more exceptions overall. The last word has clearly not yet been spoken here.
The organization AlgorithmWatch strongly criticized the conduct of the negotiations. After more than 20 hours, tired parliamentarians were being put under pressure by the member states to put the “interests of national security and industry above the protection of human rights”. “Members of the EU Parliament have a job to do”, demanded Angela Müller, Head of Policy & Advocacy at AlgorithmWatch. They have to protect people’s rights. “It would be unacceptable to go behind people’s backs and agree to a deal that creates the conditions for the widespread use of AI systems in highly sensitive areas”, said Müller. vis
The member states have undertaken the general alignment of the Net-Zero Industry Act (NZIA). In doing so, they have expanded the list of eligible technologies. The Commission had proposed eight technologies. The Council of Member States has extended the list by two to ten technologies:
The NZIA is intended to facilitate investment in climate-friendly technologies. The Commission had proposed covering 40 percent of Europe’s demand for the technologies themselves. Parliament had added that a 25 percent share of global production should also be achieved. The Council did not adopt this target in the general approach.
To this end, the member states have added to the list of “non-strategic Net-Zero Technologies”:
The Council has also drawn up an annex with a list of products and components that are mainly used for the production of Net-Zero Technologies. Like the European Parliament, the Council sets out requirements for the transportation of CO2 and includes the storage of captured CO2 (Carbon Capture and Storage, CCS).
Like Parliament, the Council wants to streamline bureaucratic procedures. To this end, the Council wants the member states to be given leeway for faster approval procedures; SMEs and start-ups should be able to benefit from this.
Parliament adopted its position in November. Negotiations for an informal compromise between Parliament and the Council can now begin. mgr
The Industry Committee in the European Parliament (ITRE) formally adopted the provisional agreement of the trilogue negotiations on the Critical Raw Materials Act (CRMA) yesterday, Thursday. The committee had been the lead committee in the negotiations and had adopted the report by rapporteur Nicola Beer (Renew) in September. In mid-November, Parliament agreed on a final legislative text with the Council and the Commission. Yesterday, MEPs in the ITRE Committee adopted the text with 50 votes in favor and four abstentions. Next week, the plenary will also formally vote on it. Once the Council and Parliament have formally confirmed the law, it can be published in the Official Journal of the EU and enter into force. leo
When Jan Philipp Albrecht thinks of his childhood, what he sees most is a fence. It ran for kilometers through the fields and meadows. Like a barrier to the end of the world. At least that’s how it felt to him back then, at the end of the 1980s. Albrecht grew up in Wolfenbüttel, a small town in Lower Saxony near the inner-German border. Here the West, over there the GDR. He played in front of the British barracks, in the no-fly zone, surrounded by four nuclear waste disposal sites. Political education in the sandpit. And something that left a lasting impression on him.
Jan Philipp Albrecht is now 42 years old and, together with Imme Scholz, is on the board of the green-oriented Heinrich Böll Foundation. 30 offices worldwide promote climate protection goals, democracy, and spaces for exchange. “We want to invite people to talk to each other and create momentum – beyond the fires of everyday life and legislative periods”, says Albrecht. The time after he took office on June 1, 2022, has shown that this often takes place under difficult conditions. Whether in Ukraine, Nagorno-Karabakh, or Israel, crises are on the rise. And the image of the Greens in society has also been better in the past. However, Albrecht is experienced as a representative and political mediator.
After two years as a Green MEP in Brussels, in 2012 he became the EU Parliament’s rapporteur for the planned General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), a mammoth project. Jan Philipp Albrecht examined the legal texts with all political groups down to the smallest detail. For the film “Democracy – Im Rausch der Daten”, a film crew accompanied him during this time to get up close to the political process and show how a law is created. They followed Albrecht in negotiation meetings and discussions with business representatives, filmed him eating cookies between appointments, and documented his hairstyle changes. “You reveal a lot about yourself”, says Albrecht, “but I did it for a good cause.”
After four years of hard work, the EU Parliament adopted Albrecht’s negotiating position with an overwhelming majority. Applause echoed through the chamber. Members of parliament shook Albrecht’s hand and patted him on the back. “I have never learned more about responsible action and governance than during this time”, he says.
Whether as an opponent of nuclear power, founder of the Green Youth in his home town, or in the fight against the right, Albrecht has always been someone who likes to get involved. It is a characteristic that still sets him apart and, in his opinion, “the only way to remain realistic”. As a board member of the Heinrich Böll Foundation, Albrecht now tries to bring together as many different groups as possible to discuss issues. How can good social and environmental policy be achieved? How can the climate crisis be overcome? And how can as many people as possible participate in prosperity? Whether people from the skilled trades, the climate movement, local politics, or companies: “We are inviting people from all walks of life and not just from the Green Party.” You have to engage in debate. This is the only way to achieve democracy.
When it gets cold, Jens Gieseke gets on his bike. The CDU MEP is riding from Brussels to Parliament’s headquarters in Strasbourg on his second fundraising tour (www.jens-gieseke.de/cycleforukraine) for the people of Ukraine. He is collecting mileage for the aid organization “Helping Hands”. Nasty, cold, and wet weather will accompany him on his four stages, on which he wants to cover 420 kilometers.
Last year, he completed the route from his hometown of Sögel in Emsland to Brussels – also just before Christmas and in weather that only fans of the cross-country discipline can enjoy. This time it will be mountainous. He has to cross the Ardennes, past Luxembourg to Lorraine, and then into Alsace. After all, he has a brand new bike, donated by the VSF bicycle manufacturer, 30 gears, and Magura rim brakes with an oil cable. It will be auctioned off afterward for a good cause.
For the transport politician, shadow rapporteur for Euro 7 and the CO2 fleet limits for trucks, it is also a question of honor: Gieseke is on the road without a battery-powered electric motor. Citizens, colleagues, and companies are called upon to support his campaign with donations. Last year, the politician collected €36,000 for the Ukraine aid organization “Helping Hands” during his winter tour. The money was used to buy food donations and heaters for the people in the stricken country. He is scheduled to arrive at the European Parliament in Strasbourg at 2.30 p.m. on Monday, where Parliament President Roberta Metsola will welcome him with a warm cup of tea. After a hot shower, he will then attend the EPP Group meeting at the start of the last session the week before Christmas. mgr
The EU Commission should not have 26 Commissioners, but only 18. The European Parliament is to have only one seat, in Brussels. There is also no longer talk of commissioners but of ministers. It is not yet clear which member state may appoint a minister for Brussels. MEPs are to have the right to nominate the President of the Commission. Parliament is also to be given the right to initiate legislation.
These are all institutional reforms with which the German Liberals want to enter the European election campaign. They are set out in the European election program, which the FDP’s Federal Executive Committee intends to adopt on Monday. The election program initially had 70 DIN A4 pages and has since been reduced to a slim 18 pages.
The German Liberals, with their lead candidate Marie-Agnes Strack-Zimmermann, also want to ensure that Europeans no longer vote on several days in the future, but that the European elections are held on a single day. There should no longer be a quota for women, which EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen was still guided by when nominating her Commissioners. The FDP is also very federalist in its approach: it wants to convene a constitutional convention. And the constitution is to be confirmed in a pan-European referendum. The Liberals are daring.
During the first in-person meeting of the EU and China in four years, European leaders criticized the trade deficit between the European Union and the People’s Republic. “The root causes are known, and we have discussed them,” said EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen on Thursday after a meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping at a press conference.
According to von der Leyen, the causes range from a lack of market access for EU companies to preferential treatment for Chinese companies and overcapacity in Chinese production. The trade imbalance is not sustainable, von der Leyen said. EU Council President Charles Michel emphasized that Beijing must promote fair access and investment conditions for European companies.
Xi, on the other hand, warned against considering China as a rival and adopting a confrontational course. Beijing is ready to view the EU as an important economic and trade partner. Xi also offered cooperation in the fields of science and technology, including artificial intelligence. However, Xi did not provide an answer on how trade imbalances would be addressed.
Trade data released by the Beijing Customs Administration on Thursday underscored the Europeans’ point: China’s trade with almost all EU states has declined throughout the year. Exceptions include the Netherlands and Lithuania.
Imports from the Netherlands increased by 29 percent in November. One reason for this could be panic purchases by Chinese semiconductor companies equipping themselves with machines from the Dutch market leader ASML before they are subject to export restrictions. In the case of Lithuania, China had recently eased trade restrictions. Concurrently with the decline in trade with the EU, China’s trade with no other country developed as it did with Russia, according to customs data.
There were not many expectations for concrete results from the summit meeting anyway. The fact that the meeting took place in person could almost be considered a success.
It was the first time in four years that both sides saw each other face to face. President Xi had warm words for the visit upon arrival. He referred to China and the EU as “the two great forces promoting multipolarity, the two great markets supporting globalization, and the two great civilizations advocating diversity”.
In contrast to the grand words, Xi did not receive the European leadership in the Great Hall of the People -instead, he only let them into the Diaoyutai State Guesthouse. After Xi, von der Leyen, Michel and EU Foreign Chief Josep Borrell also met with Chinese Premier Li Qiang.
There was no joint statement after the meeting. However, this was also the case with previous summit meetings. The atmosphere of the first in-person summit between the EU and China was nevertheless noticeably frostier than the last meeting in 2019. At that time, photographers captured EU Council President Donald Tusk, EU Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker and Premier Li Keqiang in Brussels with a cheerful, broad three-way handshake. Not only has the personnel changed on both sides since then.
The situation of the topics has become more complex since then, with positions within the EU becoming more diverse. The Europeans held the press conference after the summit alone. The discussion points were extensive:
With overseas territories in the Indo-Pacific and a long presence in former colonies in West Africa, France has a more global security policy than Germany, but in future it wants to make a stronger presence in Europe and NATO. The French armed forces will leave Niger by the end of the year, compared to 1,500 in September and the end of Operation Barkhane in Mali in 2022, in which 4,500 French soldiers were deployed at times. The French are increasingly less welcome in their former West African colonies.
This is another reason why France is shifting its focus to Europe. In October, the Ministry of Defense created a new structure: The Land Command for Air-to-Land Operations in Europe (CTE) will initially have 6,000 soldiers on standby for deployment; by 2027, up to 24,000 armed forces in Europe are to be deployable quickly. In addition, France is currently deploying between 800 and 1,000 troops in Romania as part of the NATO Response Force and around 300 in Estonia. Since last week, France has stationed four Mirage 2000 fighter jets in Lithuania for air surveillance.
National and alliance defense has moved up the list of priorities. France is pursuing a different strategy than Germany. A permanent stationing of a brigade, as Germany is planning in Lithuania, does not fit into the French model. In Paris, deterrence is primarily nuclear, which, according to the French, also benefits its European neighbors.
Shortly after the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, President Macron spoke publicly to the French armed forces. After Russia had escalated the crisis to an “unjustified extent”, France could “once again count on its armed forces”; he had confidence in the “operational efficiency” of the soldiers. The speech was also a clear signal to Moscow and prevented a major escalation, say some in France. At a high price: the “force de frappe” costs France around a fifth of its defense budget, an average of five billion euros in recent years and rising.
France’s balancing act between European autonomy and commitment to NATO is often difficult to understand. While Macron warns, as he did during his visit to China in April this year, not to turn the USA’s problems into European ones and calls for a militarily stronger Europe, other European NATO countries are turning more towards the USA. His idea of strategic autonomy is only tentatively catching on in Germany and Eastern European NATO countries. Until the war against Ukraine, Macron was the loudest advocate of a European army; in 2019, he described NATO as “brain-dead”.
The “Franco-German tandem” has long been at the center of the European NATO pillar. However, relations between Berlin and Paris are deteriorating, particularly in terms of security policy. There are voices in France that are worried about Germany’s “turning point”. “If all German projects – or even just a large part of them – are completed, the Franco-German duo will become even more unbalanced than it already is,” write Élie Tenenbaum and Léo Péria-Peigné from the French think tank Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) in a study on the German turnaround.
According to the study, Berlin prefers to cooperate with the USA, the Netherlands, Norway, Lithuania, and Romania. Tenenbaum and Péria-Peigné write that Germany returned to the international stage in 2014 with the implementation of the Framework Nation Concept (FNC) and is therefore threatening to overtake France in Europe. In the FNC, a framework country integrates the capabilities of other nations into a network. Like Germany, France should become more involved in the NATO framework, they recommend. Joint exercises with Germany and the Baltic states in the Baltic region could also strengthen French relations with Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania.
In addition, Paris currently only takes on 75% of the military NATO posts to which the country is entitled. This is according to a report presented by the French Court of Auditors in July. According to the report, a commitment to NATO is not sufficiently valued in the CVs of French military personnel. This is probably due to historical reasons: France only returned to the NATO military command structure in 2009 under then-President Nicolas Sarkozy, after Charles de Gaulle had initiated its withdrawal in 1966.
France is currently the fourth-largest NATO contributor behind the USA, Germany, and the UK. It also has the fourth-largest defense budget of the NATO member states. The plans from the NATO summit in Madrid in July 2022 set out budget increases that, according to the Court of Auditors’ calculations, should quadruple France’s contributions to the NATO budget to 833 million euros by 2030.
In order not to become isolated in Europe, France should now strengthen its partnership with Germany again, Tenenbaum and Péria-Peigné recommend – and offer itself more as a framework nation. Otherwise, France could stand alone in Europe.
Dec. 11, 2023
Meeting of Foreign Ministers of the Eastern Partnership
Topics: Continuing the Eastern Partnership to ensure that the needs of Member States and partner countries are met, Key priorities for joint work in 2024, Accelerating the implementation of the Eastern Partnership Economic and Investment Plan, Strengthening cooperation with regions such as Central Asia and the Western Balkans and synergies with other regional policies such as the Black Sea Synergy. Draft agenda
Dec. 11, 2023; 9:30 a.m.
Council of the EU: Foreign Affairs
Topics: Exchange of views on Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, the situation in Israel and the region, the Sahel region and the foreign policy dimension of economic security. Draft agenda
Dec. 11, 2023; 5-10 p.m.
Plenary session of the EU Parliament: Room for health data, minimum rest periods for passenger transport
Topics: Debate on the European Health Data Space, debate on the minimum requirements for minimum breaks and the minimum daily and weekly rest periods in the passenger occasional services sector. Draft agenda
Dec. 11, 2023; 7-8:30 p.m.
Joint meeting of the Committee on Foreign Affairs (AFET), the Committee on Development (DEVE) and the Committee on Human Rights (DROI)
Topics: Exchange of ideas with the 2023 Sakharov Prize winners (Jina Mahsa Amini and the “Woman, Life, Freedom” movement, represented by Afsoon Najafi and Mersedeh Shahinkar). Draft agenda
Dec. 11, 2023; 6-7:30 p.m.
Meeting of the Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs (ECON)
Topics: Draft report on effective economic policy coordination and multilateral budgetary surveillance, report on ongoing interinstitutional negotiations. Draft agenda
Dec. 11, 2023; 7:30-8:30 p.m.
Meeting of the Committee on Agriculture and Rural Development (AGRI)
Topics: Discharge of the 2022 general budget, draft report on geographical indications of the European Union for wine, spirits and agricultural products. Draft agenda
Dec. 12, 2023
Weekly commission meeting
Topics: Democracy Defence Package (legislation establishing harmonized requirements in the internal market for transparency of interest representation activities on behalf of third countries, Recommendation on inclusive and resilient electoral processes in the Union and strengthening the European character and efficient conduct of the European Parliament elections in 2024, Recommendation on promoting the engagement and effective participation of citizens and civil society organizations in political decision-making processes). Draft agenda
Dec. 12, 2023; 9 a.m.-10 p.m.
EU Parliament plenary session: critical raw materials, neighborhood instrument, corporate taxation
Topics: Debate on the framework to ensure a secure and sustainable supply of critical raw materials, vote on the implementation of the Neighborhood, Development and International Cooperation Instrument (Europe in the World), vote on further reform of corporate taxation rules. Draft agenda
Dec. 12, 2023; 10 a.m.
Council of the EU: General Affairs
Topics: Exchange of views in preparation for the European Council meeting on December 14-15, 2023 (conclusions), information from the Presidency on the proposal to create an EU macro-regional strategy for the Atlantic region, approval of the conclusions on managing demographic change in Europe. Draft agenda
Dec. 13, 2023
EU-Western Balkans Summit
Topics: The heads of state of the EU and the Western Balkans meet for consultations. Info
Dec. 12, 2023; 9 a.m.-10 p.m.
Plenary session of the EU Parliament: European Council, Health Data Space, EU-Japan relations
Topics: Debate in preparation for the European Council meeting on December 14 and 15, 2023, vote on the European Health Data Space, vote on EU-Japan relations. Draft agenda
Dec. 14-15, 2023
European Council
Topics: Ukraine, Middle East, Enlargement, Multiannual Financial Framework 2021-2027, Security and Defense, External Relations. Draft agenda
Dec. 14, 2023; a.m.-4 p.m.
Plenary session of the EU Parliament: competitiveness, Copenhagen criteria, special legislative procedures
Topics: Vote on improving innovation and industrial and technological competitiveness, vote on 30 years of Copenhagen criteria (additional impetus for EU enlargement policy), vote on the application of Treaty provisions on special legislative procedures. Draft agenda
The energy consumption of residential buildings in the EU must fall by 16 percent by 2030 and by 20 to 22 percent by 2035. According to information from the Council yesterday evening, the member states agreed on this with the Parliament in the last trilogue on the Buildings Directive. However, the target does not relate to individual buildings, but to the average primary energy consumption of the entire residential building stock.
The German government recently spoke out against minimum energy performance standards (MEPS) for individual buildings after the buzzword “mandatory refurbishment” made the rounds. However, member states can voluntarily set MEPS for residential buildings. CDU MEP Markus Pieper therefore warned yesterday evening against gold-plating, i.e. overfulfilling EU requirements: “The directive could still be used in Germany as a pretext for forced renovations, which is what people have always wanted ideologically. We have to be very careful in Berlin too.”
According to information from negotiating circles, the benchmark for the refurbishment targets is the status from 2020. Previous successes in the refurbishment of residential buildings are to be taken into account separately. According to the agreement, member states must prioritize financial aid for renovations to households in need of protection.
For non-residential buildings, MEPS have been agreed in the form of threshold values, according to the Council communication. Accordingly, all non-residential buildings must be more efficient than the worst 16 percent from a base year by 2030 and better than the worst 26 percent by 2033. The member states can define exceptions for certain buildings: buildings used for agricultural or military purposes, listed buildings, church buildings or buildings only used for short periods. However, the Parliament’s communication only states that the Member States must define MEPS for the 16 and 26 percent of the worst non-residential buildings.
However, EU-wide, mandatory minimum efficiency standards for residential buildings could still be introduced at a later date. The Commission must present an evaluation of the directive by 2028 and also assess whether the savings targets for 2030 and 2035 will be achieved. The Commission can then propose further measures, in particular MEPS.
From 2030, newly constructed buildings should also be zero-emission buildings. For public buildings, the standard will already apply from 2028. According to information from negotiating circles, the exact definitions for “zero emissions” are to be determined by the member states. However, according to the agreement, these buildings must not generate “any emissions from fossil fuels” on site.
As for the end date for fossil heating, the negotiators agreed on the year 2040. Member states are to align their long-term strategies for buildings with this goal. Parliament and Council also maintained that from 2025, there should be no more state support for pure oil and gas heating.
The German government apparently could not prevail with its last-minute intervention to continue promoting heating with green hydrogen and biomethane. In a negotiation paper seen by Table.Media, the relevant recital only speaks of an exception for “hybrid heating systems” – the combination with solar thermal or a heat pump is mentioned as an example. However, there may still be separate guidelines for what is considered fossil heating.
Member states must introduce a solar obligation for new residential buildings by the end of 2029. It also applies to covered parking spaces. For new public and non-residential buildings, the solar obligation will be implemented gradually from the end of 2026.
As expected, energy certificates will not be harmonized across Europe. However, owners of low-efficiency buildings should receive an invitation for energy advice at a nearby counseling center in the future.
“We have achieved something remarkable tonight. We have created a blueprint for the transition to a carbon-free building stock,” said the Green rapporteur for the directive, Ciarán Cuffe from Ireland, after the agreement. The path found could reduce energy costs for both owners and tenants, addressing the cause of energy poverty.
The lead negotiator for the liberal faction in the European Parliament, Danish MEP Morten Petersen, wrote on the X platform that he would have liked to go further. “But the resistance to the EPBD was enormous.” ber
Within a few days, the Spanish EU Council Presidency has presented a new proposal to break the deadlock among the member states regarding the mid-term review of the EU’s Multiannual Financial Framework (MFF). In order to advance the negotiations for the multi-annual budget, Madrid has further reduced the additional expenditure requested by the EU Commission from just under €66 billion to €40.6 billion by 2027. In the last proposal, the Presidency had still estimated an additional expenditure of €51 billion. The cuts affect all areas, with the exception of aid to Ukraine, which is to remain untouched.
According to the negotiation document available to Table.Media, Madrid now wants to provide €8.6 billion for migration management, compared to the previous €10.5 billion. The Commission had estimated €12.5 billion for this item. The STEP funding program will be massively reduced to €2.5 billion from the previous €7 billion. The Commission had still envisaged 10 billion euros here. Madrid has now earmarked €9 billion for the additional costs due to higher interest rates for the bonds from the EU’s NextGenEU program. This is just under half of the Commission’s proposal of €18.9 billion.
Diplomats described the negotiations on the multi-annual EU financial framework as extremely difficult. There is “still no landing zone in sight”. Germany is not prepared to transfer additional funds to Brussels over and above the aid to Ukraine – €17 billion in grants and €33 billion in loans. If the Commission defines new challenges, it will have to finance this through reallocations and cuts in the existing budget, the diplomats said.
Assessments of the status of the AI Act negotiations vary. While one participant said that there were no more unresolved issues and that it was just a matter of looking at everything again in peace, another participant vehemently disagreed. It is clear that the negotiations will continue. They are scheduled for today, Friday, at 0900.
The Spanish Council Presidency had made it clear before the start of the negotiations that it wanted to conclude the trilogue on the AI Act now. Discussions on the fifth trilogue began at 3 p.m. on Wednesday and were interrupted after 22 hours. The fact that they lasted so long and that the negotiators are now going into extra time instead of scheduling a new trilogue makes an agreement this weekend likely.
In fact, there appears to be an agreement on the regulation of foundation models and general-purpose AI, as reported by Table.Media. The two-tier approach proposed by Parliament, according to which models with systemic risks are regulated more strictly than others, will apparently remain in place. In addition to legal obligations, there should also be a code of conduct.
France, Germany, and Italy had previously rejected this two-stage approach – against the background that young European companies have an enormous need to catch up. They did not want to put any obstacles in their way. However, there was a lot of opposition to this thesis, not only from the European Parliament but also from the scientific community.
A recent study by The Future Society shows that the costs for GPAI models are negligible, even for the most comprehensive set of requirements and obligations (Article 28b of the parliamentary proposal). The cost per model would be between 0.07 to 1.34 percent of the total investment for a build-up of very large models. “We recommend with great confidence more stringent mandatory requirements than those currently on the trilogue table”, the authors write. They are convinced “that this would not hinder innovation or the Brussels effect for top models”.
The list of prohibited applications of AI is still being debated. Social scoring is one such application that everyone rejects in principle. However, Parliament has significantly extended the list. For example, it wanted to ban real-time biometric recognition in public spaces and emotion recognition in certain areas, as well as only allowing the use of AI with high hurdles for law enforcement. The member states, especially those that already use AI for law enforcement or to combat terrorism, reject this and want more exceptions overall. The last word has clearly not yet been spoken here.
The organization AlgorithmWatch strongly criticized the conduct of the negotiations. After more than 20 hours, tired parliamentarians were being put under pressure by the member states to put the “interests of national security and industry above the protection of human rights”. “Members of the EU Parliament have a job to do”, demanded Angela Müller, Head of Policy & Advocacy at AlgorithmWatch. They have to protect people’s rights. “It would be unacceptable to go behind people’s backs and agree to a deal that creates the conditions for the widespread use of AI systems in highly sensitive areas”, said Müller. vis
The member states have undertaken the general alignment of the Net-Zero Industry Act (NZIA). In doing so, they have expanded the list of eligible technologies. The Commission had proposed eight technologies. The Council of Member States has extended the list by two to ten technologies:
The NZIA is intended to facilitate investment in climate-friendly technologies. The Commission had proposed covering 40 percent of Europe’s demand for the technologies themselves. Parliament had added that a 25 percent share of global production should also be achieved. The Council did not adopt this target in the general approach.
To this end, the member states have added to the list of “non-strategic Net-Zero Technologies”:
The Council has also drawn up an annex with a list of products and components that are mainly used for the production of Net-Zero Technologies. Like the European Parliament, the Council sets out requirements for the transportation of CO2 and includes the storage of captured CO2 (Carbon Capture and Storage, CCS).
Like Parliament, the Council wants to streamline bureaucratic procedures. To this end, the Council wants the member states to be given leeway for faster approval procedures; SMEs and start-ups should be able to benefit from this.
Parliament adopted its position in November. Negotiations for an informal compromise between Parliament and the Council can now begin. mgr
The Industry Committee in the European Parliament (ITRE) formally adopted the provisional agreement of the trilogue negotiations on the Critical Raw Materials Act (CRMA) yesterday, Thursday. The committee had been the lead committee in the negotiations and had adopted the report by rapporteur Nicola Beer (Renew) in September. In mid-November, Parliament agreed on a final legislative text with the Council and the Commission. Yesterday, MEPs in the ITRE Committee adopted the text with 50 votes in favor and four abstentions. Next week, the plenary will also formally vote on it. Once the Council and Parliament have formally confirmed the law, it can be published in the Official Journal of the EU and enter into force. leo
When Jan Philipp Albrecht thinks of his childhood, what he sees most is a fence. It ran for kilometers through the fields and meadows. Like a barrier to the end of the world. At least that’s how it felt to him back then, at the end of the 1980s. Albrecht grew up in Wolfenbüttel, a small town in Lower Saxony near the inner-German border. Here the West, over there the GDR. He played in front of the British barracks, in the no-fly zone, surrounded by four nuclear waste disposal sites. Political education in the sandpit. And something that left a lasting impression on him.
Jan Philipp Albrecht is now 42 years old and, together with Imme Scholz, is on the board of the green-oriented Heinrich Böll Foundation. 30 offices worldwide promote climate protection goals, democracy, and spaces for exchange. “We want to invite people to talk to each other and create momentum – beyond the fires of everyday life and legislative periods”, says Albrecht. The time after he took office on June 1, 2022, has shown that this often takes place under difficult conditions. Whether in Ukraine, Nagorno-Karabakh, or Israel, crises are on the rise. And the image of the Greens in society has also been better in the past. However, Albrecht is experienced as a representative and political mediator.
After two years as a Green MEP in Brussels, in 2012 he became the EU Parliament’s rapporteur for the planned General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), a mammoth project. Jan Philipp Albrecht examined the legal texts with all political groups down to the smallest detail. For the film “Democracy – Im Rausch der Daten”, a film crew accompanied him during this time to get up close to the political process and show how a law is created. They followed Albrecht in negotiation meetings and discussions with business representatives, filmed him eating cookies between appointments, and documented his hairstyle changes. “You reveal a lot about yourself”, says Albrecht, “but I did it for a good cause.”
After four years of hard work, the EU Parliament adopted Albrecht’s negotiating position with an overwhelming majority. Applause echoed through the chamber. Members of parliament shook Albrecht’s hand and patted him on the back. “I have never learned more about responsible action and governance than during this time”, he says.
Whether as an opponent of nuclear power, founder of the Green Youth in his home town, or in the fight against the right, Albrecht has always been someone who likes to get involved. It is a characteristic that still sets him apart and, in his opinion, “the only way to remain realistic”. As a board member of the Heinrich Böll Foundation, Albrecht now tries to bring together as many different groups as possible to discuss issues. How can good social and environmental policy be achieved? How can the climate crisis be overcome? And how can as many people as possible participate in prosperity? Whether people from the skilled trades, the climate movement, local politics, or companies: “We are inviting people from all walks of life and not just from the Green Party.” You have to engage in debate. This is the only way to achieve democracy.
When it gets cold, Jens Gieseke gets on his bike. The CDU MEP is riding from Brussels to Parliament’s headquarters in Strasbourg on his second fundraising tour (www.jens-gieseke.de/cycleforukraine) for the people of Ukraine. He is collecting mileage for the aid organization “Helping Hands”. Nasty, cold, and wet weather will accompany him on his four stages, on which he wants to cover 420 kilometers.
Last year, he completed the route from his hometown of Sögel in Emsland to Brussels – also just before Christmas and in weather that only fans of the cross-country discipline can enjoy. This time it will be mountainous. He has to cross the Ardennes, past Luxembourg to Lorraine, and then into Alsace. After all, he has a brand new bike, donated by the VSF bicycle manufacturer, 30 gears, and Magura rim brakes with an oil cable. It will be auctioned off afterward for a good cause.
For the transport politician, shadow rapporteur for Euro 7 and the CO2 fleet limits for trucks, it is also a question of honor: Gieseke is on the road without a battery-powered electric motor. Citizens, colleagues, and companies are called upon to support his campaign with donations. Last year, the politician collected €36,000 for the Ukraine aid organization “Helping Hands” during his winter tour. The money was used to buy food donations and heaters for the people in the stricken country. He is scheduled to arrive at the European Parliament in Strasbourg at 2.30 p.m. on Monday, where Parliament President Roberta Metsola will welcome him with a warm cup of tea. After a hot shower, he will then attend the EPP Group meeting at the start of the last session the week before Christmas. mgr