Despite the unfortunate timing immediately after the party congress, despite the frighteningly increasing rivalry, despite the haste with which the appointments were completed: It was fundamentally right for the chancellor to seek talks with Xi Jinping. Germany’s interests are closely intertwined with China. Not only economically. China is a player in the Ukraine conflict, even if it hides its true position behind phrases and plays a rather inglorious role on balance. In addition, there are other common issues such as climate protection and pandemic control.
Scholz was under a lot of pressure not to turn his visit to Xi into a feel-good visit. In theory, that would have been the easy way out for him. However, anyone who uncritically enters Beijing’s embrace may have a great China visit like Donald Trump in 2017. But neither side has anything to gain from this. Neither was China forewarned of the trade policy salvos the US would fire. Nor was Trump able to negotiate any improvements for his companies on the spot.
It was, therefore, just as right of German society, business, the media and their high-ranking representatives to force Scholz onto a more critical course. Although he is not comfortable with direct confrontation, Scholz went beyond Angela Merkel’s authoritative tone. He openly mentioned Taiwan, market access, human rights and the situation of the Uyghurs, and of course, Russian aggression. He put Xi in a clear position on the use of nuclear weapons.
A complete success was not to be expected; the relationship with China is currently too difficult for that. However, the visit was a small success, making Scholz and Germany look less naive.
German Chancellor Olaf Scholz landed in China with a tailwind: He arrived in Beijing three-quarters of an hour earlier than planned. And he also traveled back with a tailwind. With a political tailwind this time. He revives previously severed talks while still finding clear words on human rights issues.
Although observers interpreted the greeting as distant, he was able to open the doors a crack wide on central issues. No more, but also no less. Now a lot of work awaits in Beijing and Berlin to translate this into concrete policy for the G20 summit in Bali in mid-November.
These major global issues dominated Chancellor Olaf Scholz’s speed dating over his eleven hours in Beijing:
As is well known, Scholz is the first Western head of government to meet President Xi Jinping after the conclusion of the 20th Party Congress. Now Xi is more powerful than ever. But Scholz is also a little more powerful than usual. He is still the chairman of the G7 round of developed industrialized nations. His visit to Beijing comes just two weeks before the G20 summit in Bali. Not only US President Joe Biden is expected to meet President Xi there, but also Russian President Vladimir Putin.
Scholz and Xi, as well as departing Premier Li Keqiang, used the few hours in the Great Hall of the People to revive personal contacts after three years without personal meetings – due to Covid and sanctions. Both sides quickly agreed on a motto that Scholz had put forward in advance and that Xi adopted: pragmatic cooperation. This means being open, frank and sometimes even tough when it comes to stating differences of opinion, but without getting bogged down in them. Rather, this visit was also about sounding out the areas in which cooperation can continue in the future.
A closer look at the official Chinese summary of the talks reveals where and to what extent Xi went along. Xi noted that the visit had strengthened “mutual understanding and trust” and “deepened practical cooperation in various fields.” However, Xi stressed that this would only work through “mutual respect.”
Xi agreed with Scholz that Germany and China, as “influential powers,” have a “greater contribution to make to world peace and development” amid “changes and chaos.” China was willing to enter into a “comprehensive strategic partnership for the future” with Germany. However, he stressed that despite the partnership, each country must “choose the path according to its own reality.” Both sides opposed “irresponsible” nuclear threats.
Overall, Xi displayed openness to Scholz’s efforts to reach a peaceful solution to the Ukraine war. Xi called on “all parties concerned” to exercise “reason and restraint” and to create the “conditions for the resumption of negotiations” as soon as possible; together they also very clearly spoke out against “the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons.” That is rather far-reaching for a country that is actually a close partner of Putin. In addition, efforts should be made to “support civilians in crisis areas during the winter.”
However, high-ranking Chinese politicians do not always tend to mean what they appear to be saying in translation. There is often a second layer for their own target audience. The call to keep the peace does not necessarily have to be aimed at Russia but can also be directed at the US, which, according to Russian and, to some extent, Chinese interpretations, is fueling the conflict. By leaving this open, however, Xi also gives Scholz an acceptable position.
Xi further told Scholz that China would continue to maintain a “high degree of openness to the outside world” in the spirit of “economic globalization.” But Xi also warned that “mutual trust is difficult to rebuild” once it has been destroyed or damaged. To explain what Xi meant, he used a quote from former German Chancellor Helmut Schmidt. “Politicians should accept with serenity what cannot be changed, change with courage what can be changed, and with wisdom recognize the difference.”
Later on, the conversation shifted to trade issues. At the same time, the “stability of industrial supply chains” should be ensured and cooperation on energy, food and finance should prevent “undermining the stability of developing countries.” In this way, both aim to prevent a major humanitarian crisis and fight hunger.
Pandemic prevention was also a topic. The vaccine Comirnaty developed by Biontech is initially to be approved for foreigners in China. In parallel, both parties want to advance the respective approvals of the vaccines. Scholz wants to press the German and EU authorities in this regard if Beijing, in turn, answers any remaining questions.
However, a supposed deal with Airbus only consisted of rehashed contracts, some of which were already signed in 2019 and some in the middle of this year. The contracts with a volume of $17 billion were probably a pure attempt to feign vital trade relations in the absence of new deals. It is Chinese custom to have major contracts signed in the presence of foreign government leaders.
One very important point: Beijing and Berlin want to develop a joint strategy to step up the fight against climate change. Beijing and Berlin were able to agree on a common starting point quite easily: The market alone does not make the world green. It needs to be regulated. How, that is now the big question.
Scholz has made his position on human rights issues very clear, for example, on the Taiwan question. Here, Scholz emphasized that while Germany adheres to the one-China policy, it expects that any change in the status quo must take place only by mutual agreement.
On this issue, as was to be expected, consensus could be found only for the first part. As far as the second part is concerned, Beijing did not budge. This is also evident from the fact that this issue was not mentioned at all in the official statements, just like Xinjiang or the treatment of civil society in Hong Kong. The German side assures us that Scholz has addressed these issues.
Scholz also took the opportunity to seek contact with regime critics. Due to current circumstances, the conversation took place in the form of a video call, according to government sources. The dissidents and human rights lawyers reportedly traveled to the German Embassy in Beijing to speak with Scholz via video from there. Names were not mentioned. Some of the participants had already served time in prison for their activism. During her visits to Beijing, Angela Merkel had also spoken with representatives of civil society, but only in person at that time.
One major criticism remains: Scholz went it alone without the EU. While this may not really be in Europe’s interest, it may have been the right thing to go to Beijing alone first to reopen the doors in the first place. This would have been more complicated and possibly less successful if Emmanuel Macron had accompanied Scholz. All the more reason for Scholz to get the EU on board for the next steps. After all, he is not the only European head of government who will be sitting at the table in Bali.
A lot is now in motion, certainly more than could have been expected a few days ago. However, Scholz should not overestimate what he has achieved, even if he has made enough concessions to satisfy the Greens and the Liberals in the German government coalition, who expressed great skepticism about the visit. Now Scholz and the ministries involved, as well as the Chinese side, still have a lot of work to do and a vote in the EU to turn this into a tangible policy at the G20 summit.
What could this be, for instance, on climate change? China and Germany, but also the EU, could suspend mutual sanctions and tariffs on climate technologies. On climate change, this could be done without each losing face. But in the area of economic cooperation, too, they have mutually pledged not to decouple. But there is still a long way to go to reach equal market access. Cosco’s stake in the Port of Hamburg was no longer a topic of discussion. Collaboration: fin/rtr
Among the first things Scholz saw of China: the Great White Shapes.
Despite the unfortunate timing immediately after the party congress, despite the frighteningly increasing rivalry, despite the haste with which the appointments were completed: It was fundamentally right for the chancellor to seek talks with Xi Jinping. Germany’s interests are closely intertwined with China. Not only economically. China is a player in the Ukraine conflict, even if it hides its true position behind phrases and plays a rather inglorious role on balance. In addition, there are other common issues such as climate protection and pandemic control.
Scholz was under a lot of pressure not to turn his visit to Xi into a feel-good visit. In theory, that would have been the easy way out for him. However, anyone who uncritically enters Beijing’s embrace may have a great China visit like Donald Trump in 2017. But neither side has anything to gain from this. Neither was China forewarned of the trade policy salvos the US would fire. Nor was Trump able to negotiate any improvements for his companies on the spot.
It was, therefore, just as right of German society, business, the media and their high-ranking representatives to force Scholz onto a more critical course. Although he is not comfortable with direct confrontation, Scholz went beyond Angela Merkel’s authoritative tone. He openly mentioned Taiwan, market access, human rights and the situation of the Uyghurs, and of course, Russian aggression. He put Xi in a clear position on the use of nuclear weapons.
A complete success was not to be expected; the relationship with China is currently too difficult for that. However, the visit was a small success, making Scholz and Germany look less naive.
German Chancellor Olaf Scholz landed in China with a tailwind: He arrived in Beijing three-quarters of an hour earlier than planned. And he also traveled back with a tailwind. With a political tailwind this time. He revives previously severed talks while still finding clear words on human rights issues.
Although observers interpreted the greeting as distant, he was able to open the doors a crack wide on central issues. No more, but also no less. Now a lot of work awaits in Beijing and Berlin to translate this into concrete policy for the G20 summit in Bali in mid-November.
These major global issues dominated Chancellor Olaf Scholz’s speed dating over his eleven hours in Beijing:
As is well known, Scholz is the first Western head of government to meet President Xi Jinping after the conclusion of the 20th Party Congress. Now Xi is more powerful than ever. But Scholz is also a little more powerful than usual. He is still the chairman of the G7 round of developed industrialized nations. His visit to Beijing comes just two weeks before the G20 summit in Bali. Not only US President Joe Biden is expected to meet President Xi there, but also Russian President Vladimir Putin.
Scholz and Xi, as well as departing Premier Li Keqiang, used the few hours in the Great Hall of the People to revive personal contacts after three years without personal meetings – due to Covid and sanctions. Both sides quickly agreed on a motto that Scholz had put forward in advance and that Xi adopted: pragmatic cooperation. This means being open, frank and sometimes even tough when it comes to stating differences of opinion, but without getting bogged down in them. Rather, this visit was also about sounding out the areas in which cooperation can continue in the future.
A closer look at the official Chinese summary of the talks reveals where and to what extent Xi went along. Xi noted that the visit had strengthened “mutual understanding and trust” and “deepened practical cooperation in various fields.” However, Xi stressed that this would only work through “mutual respect.”
Xi agreed with Scholz that Germany and China, as “influential powers,” have a “greater contribution to make to world peace and development” amid “changes and chaos.” China was willing to enter into a “comprehensive strategic partnership for the future” with Germany. However, he stressed that despite the partnership, each country must “choose the path according to its own reality.” Both sides opposed “irresponsible” nuclear threats.
Overall, Xi displayed openness to Scholz’s efforts to reach a peaceful solution to the Ukraine war. Xi called on “all parties concerned” to exercise “reason and restraint” and to create the “conditions for the resumption of negotiations” as soon as possible; together they also very clearly spoke out against “the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons.” That is rather far-reaching for a country that is actually a close partner of Putin. In addition, efforts should be made to “support civilians in crisis areas during the winter.”
However, high-ranking Chinese politicians do not always tend to mean what they appear to be saying in translation. There is often a second layer for their own target audience. The call to keep the peace does not necessarily have to be aimed at Russia but can also be directed at the US, which, according to Russian and, to some extent, Chinese interpretations, is fueling the conflict. By leaving this open, however, Xi also gives Scholz an acceptable position.
Xi further told Scholz that China would continue to maintain a “high degree of openness to the outside world” in the spirit of “economic globalization.” But Xi also warned that “mutual trust is difficult to rebuild” once it has been destroyed or damaged. To explain what Xi meant, he used a quote from former German Chancellor Helmut Schmidt. “Politicians should accept with serenity what cannot be changed, change with courage what can be changed, and with wisdom recognize the difference.”
Later on, the conversation shifted to trade issues. At the same time, the “stability of industrial supply chains” should be ensured and cooperation on energy, food and finance should prevent “undermining the stability of developing countries.” In this way, both aim to prevent a major humanitarian crisis and fight hunger.
Pandemic prevention was also a topic. The vaccine Comirnaty developed by Biontech is initially to be approved for foreigners in China. In parallel, both parties want to advance the respective approvals of the vaccines. Scholz wants to press the German and EU authorities in this regard if Beijing, in turn, answers any remaining questions.
However, a supposed deal with Airbus only consisted of rehashed contracts, some of which were already signed in 2019 and some in the middle of this year. The contracts with a volume of $17 billion were probably a pure attempt to feign vital trade relations in the absence of new deals. It is Chinese custom to have major contracts signed in the presence of foreign government leaders.
One very important point: Beijing and Berlin want to develop a joint strategy to step up the fight against climate change. Beijing and Berlin were able to agree on a common starting point quite easily: The market alone does not make the world green. It needs to be regulated. How, that is now the big question.
Scholz has made his position on human rights issues very clear, for example, on the Taiwan question. Here, Scholz emphasized that while Germany adheres to the one-China policy, it expects that any change in the status quo must take place only by mutual agreement.
On this issue, as was to be expected, consensus could be found only for the first part. As far as the second part is concerned, Beijing did not budge. This is also evident from the fact that this issue was not mentioned at all in the official statements, just like Xinjiang or the treatment of civil society in Hong Kong. The German side assures us that Scholz has addressed these issues.
Scholz also took the opportunity to seek contact with regime critics. Due to current circumstances, the conversation took place in the form of a video call, according to government sources. The dissidents and human rights lawyers reportedly traveled to the German Embassy in Beijing to speak with Scholz via video from there. Names were not mentioned. Some of the participants had already served time in prison for their activism. During her visits to Beijing, Angela Merkel had also spoken with representatives of civil society, but only in person at that time.
One major criticism remains: Scholz went it alone without the EU. While this may not really be in Europe’s interest, it may have been the right thing to go to Beijing alone first to reopen the doors in the first place. This would have been more complicated and possibly less successful if Emmanuel Macron had accompanied Scholz. All the more reason for Scholz to get the EU on board for the next steps. After all, he is not the only European head of government who will be sitting at the table in Bali.
A lot is now in motion, certainly more than could have been expected a few days ago. However, Scholz should not overestimate what he has achieved, even if he has made enough concessions to satisfy the Greens and the Liberals in the German government coalition, who expressed great skepticism about the visit. Now Scholz and the ministries involved, as well as the Chinese side, still have a lot of work to do and a vote in the EU to turn this into a tangible policy at the G20 summit.
What could this be, for instance, on climate change? China and Germany, but also the EU, could suspend mutual sanctions and tariffs on climate technologies. On climate change, this could be done without each losing face. But in the area of economic cooperation, too, they have mutually pledged not to decouple. But there is still a long way to go to reach equal market access. Cosco’s stake in the Port of Hamburg was no longer a topic of discussion. Collaboration: fin/rtr
Among the first things Scholz saw of China: the Great White Shapes.
